• 


The  Turkoman  Defeat  at  Cairo 
by  Solomon   ben  Joseph    Ha-Kohen 


EDITED  WITH  INTRODUCTION  AND  NOTES 

By  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE,  Ph.D. 


THESIS  PRESENTED  TO  THE   FACULTY  OF  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF 
PENNSYLVANIA  IN   PARTIAL   FULFILMENT  OF  THE  REQUIRE- 
MENTS   FOR   THE    DEGREE   OF    PH.D. 


Reprinted  from  the 

AMERICAN   JOURNAL   OF   SEMITIC   LANGUAGES  AND  LITERATURES, 
January,  1906 


PRINTED  AT  THE   UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 


THE    TURKOMAN   DEFEAT  AT   CAIRO. 

BY  SOLOMON  BEN  JOSEPH  HA-KOHEN. 

EDITED  WITH  INTRODUCTION  AND  NOTES. 
BY  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE. 

THE  MANUSCRIPT. 

The  fragment  presented  in  this  monograph  is  from  the 
Schechter-Tayloi*  collection  of  the  Cambridge  University  Li- 
brary, No.  174;  size  24.3X9.1  cni.  The  writing  (text  without 
margin)  measures  23.5  X  8  cm.  It  is  one  of  the  Genizah  frag- 
ments lately1  unearthed  by  Professor  Solomon  Schechter  in  a 
ruined  synagogue  in  Cairo,  Egypt.  It  consists  of  one  leaf, 
written  on  both  sides  of  the  paper,  each  page  being  divided  into 
two  columns.  The  writing  is  in  an  old,  square  hand,  with  a 
strong  turn  to  the  cursive  (Rashi  script).  The  whole  appears  to 
have  been  written  by  one  man  with  the  same  ink,  although  some 
of  the  vowels,  as  well  as  a  few  minor  additions,  seem  to  have 
been  added  later  in  a  paler  ink.  The  fragment  as  a  whole  is 
well  preserved;  the  writing  is  clear;  the  paper,  while  somewhat 
yellowish  and  broken  in  folding,  escaped  the  destructive  hand  of 
time  and  presents  a  fine  appearance,  as  will  be  seen  from  the 
accompanying  photograph. 

This  fragment  is  not  the  original  composition.  It  is  a  copy 
made  either  by  the  author  himself  or  by  someone  else.  This  is 
indicated  by  the  transposition  of  a  few  lines  which  the  copyist 
placed  in  the  wrong  place  and  then,  by  explicit  directions,  indi- 
cated where  the  misplaced  lines  really  belonged.  L.  93,  for 
example,  is  placed  between  11.  99  and  100,  and  the  copyist,  by 
clear  and  unmistakable  signs  (D">M2~'7*1  ~b5  to  succeed  the  line 
beginning  with  the  word  DTHT.21),  indicates  the  reinsertion  of  the 
line  in  its  proper  place.  The  same  is  the  case  with  1.  110,  which 
is  placed  here  between  11.  105  and  106,  because  there  was  a  little 
room  left;  but  the  direction  is  given  that  it  is  to  follow  the  line 

3 

2097832 


4  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 


beginning  with  the  word  mi  below  (sCX).  L.  146  is  placed 
at  the  end  of  the  poem,  because  the  copyist  omitted  it  from  its 
proper  position.  LI.  120  and  121  are  transposed,  and  are  indi- 
cated as  being  so  by  the  letters  2  and  X  added  at  the  beginning 
of  the  lines.  The  last  line,  which  contains  the  number  of  lines 
in  the  poem,  is  probably  an  addition  of  the  copyist. 

On  the  margin,  between  11.  145  and  147,  there  is  inserted  the 
word  iT2b*J3,  in  a  paler  ink,  but  apparently  by  the  same  hand. 
This  is  probably  of  no  particular  significance.  The  word  t3Z123 
seems  to  have  been  tampered  with,  but  all  indications  point  to 
the  fact  that  the  erasure  as  well  as  the  correction  was  done  by  the 
same  hand. 

The  manuscript  is  provided  with  vowel-points  and  other  dia- 
critical signs  in  a  few  places  only,  where  the  reading  would 
otherwise  not  have  been  very  clear.  Thus,  the  TZJ  and  the  1C  are 
frequently  indicated.  The  aspirate  sounds  of  3,  1,  S,  fl,  are 
indicated  by  a  line  over  the  letter.2  The  j  and  the  1  are  most 
frequently  so  indicated,  the  5  only  twice  (11.  128,  129),  "I  once 
(1.  70),  the  n  twice  (11.  3,  111).  There  is  no  instance  of  the 
2  and  3  being  indicated  as  aspirates.  This,  however,  may  be 
entirely  accidental  and  does  not  warrant  the  conclusion  that  these 
letters  were  not  aspirated.  All  the  vowel-signs,  known  to  us  at 
present,  ~,  ~,  T,  77,  T,  1,  *!,  T?  as  well  as  the  She  va  —,  occur 
in  this  fragment.  Once  the  Patah  occurs  in  the  form  of  a  vertical 
line  under  the  letter,  after  the  Arabic  long  Fatha  over  the  letter, 
but  here  (1.  4)  the  vowel  happens  to  be  short.  Peculiar  is  the 
combination  of  the  short  ~  with  the  long  *1,  the  first  to  indicate 
that  the  vowel  is  short,  and  the  second  serving  merely  as  a  sign 
for  the  vowel  u. 

The  Arabic  inscription  on  the  second  page  was  probably 
written  before  the  paper  was  used  for  the  poem.  The  writer  of 
the  Hebrew  poem  made  use  of  a  sheet  that  he  found,  leaving 
vacant  the  space  occupied  by  the  Arabic.  Otherwise  there  would 
have  been  no  reason  for  his  leaving  the  spaces  in  the  middle  of 
cols.  3  and  4.  The  Arabic  inscription  itself  is  unintelligible.  It 
is  evident  that  the  sheet  was  cut  off  from  a  larger  sheet,  the 
Arabic  words  being  a  continuation  of  the  larger  sheet. 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  5 

HISTORICAL  SKETCH.3 

Al-Mustansir  b'lllahi  Abu  Tammim  Ma'add,  the  eighth  Fati- 
mide  caliph  of  Egypt,  was  one  of  the  weakest  and  most  effeminate 
of  the  rulers  who  claimed  descent  from  'Ali  and  Fatima.  His 
long  reign  over  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Palestine  (427-87  A.  H., 
1035-94  C.  E.),  the  longest  reign  ever  enjoyed  by  an  oriental 
ruler,  was  marked  with  "events  and  incidents  most  shameful."4 
The  intrigues  of  his  mother,  a  negro  slave,  presented  to  his  father, 
al-Dahir,  by  Abu  Sa'd  Sahl  ibn  Harun,  a  Jewish  merchant, 
brought  great  misfortune  to  the  people  of  Egypt,  and  was  the 
cause  of  a  revolt  of  the  Turkish  soldiers  under  Nasir  ad-Daula, 
which,  for  a  time,  threatened  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  Fati- 
mide  dynasty  and  the  establishment  of  the  Abasside  rule  in  Egypt 
and  Syria.  The  rise  of  the  power  of  the  Turkoman  tribes  under 
Tugrul  Beg,  Alp  Arslan,  and  Malik  Shah,  who  were  faithful 
adherents  of  the  orthodox  Abasside  caliph  of  Bagdad,  favored 
such  a  change,  and  it  was  only  through  the  wisdom  and  foresight 
of  the  vizier,  Badr  al-Jamali.  that  this  was  partly  obviated.  The 
end  of  Mustansir's  reign  saw  Damascus  and  the  greater  part  of 
Palestine  go  over  into  the  hands  of  the  Turkomans,  who  later 
became  the  rulers  of  the  whole  of  Asia  Minor. 

Tugrul  Beg  died  soon  after  he  succeeded  in  establishing  peace 
in  the  provinces  of  the  Abasside  caliph,  Al-Kaim,  and  in  vanquish- 
ing the  rebellious  general  Al-Bassasiri  and  his  army  (456,  1063). 
His  nephew,  Alp  Arslan,  succeeded  him,  and  during  his  reign  the 
rule  of  the  Turkomans  extended  over  a  large  area  of  Syria  and 
Palestine.  Alp  Arslan  soon  made  himself  master  of  Aleppo,  and 
one  of  his  generals,  Atsiz  ibn  'Auk,  wrested  Palestine  and  Syria 
from  the  hands  of  the  Fatimide  caliph,  Mustansir.  He  even  suc- 
ceeded in  vanquishing  the  Greeks  and  released  the  emperor, 
Romanus  Diogenes,  only  after  a  large  sum  was  paid  for  his  ran- 
som (August,  1071).  His  rule,  however,  was  soon  cut  short. 
When  on  an  expedition  in  Turkestan,  he  was  assassinated  by  one 
of  the  captured  chiefs,  in  1072.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son, 
Malik  Shah  (1072-92),  after  a  series  of  civil  wars,  headed  by  his 
uncle,  Kawurd.  Malik  Shah  adopted  a  liberal  policy  with  regard 
to  his  princes,  which  he  extended  even  to  those  whom  he  had 
vanquished,  allowing  them  full  liberty  to  seek  new  kingdoms,  "so 
that  many  of  the  princes  later  erected  their  standards  under  the 
shadow  of  his  scepter."5  The  affairs  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria 


JULIUS  H.  GKEENSTONE 


"-pl 


MiVr-iW'j 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO 


.   . 

»»*-•»•>'  *     - 


,         . 

'.')      ^    - 
!  ••» t\  •*•>••  i*  i  *r.*.wMwv*i 


Igtej^^^;  -|  «HSf  SS 
'tSSSiS3S1  ^^H^^ 


^ty*'^4r« 
to'*>;[>»>a^ttsa^  v.fc; 


,.     .          —>'.'»<v 

^VT>^>di/^^fO) 

k*jo' 

V5»0*^ 

'<  *%?-  -    •'•? 

'V 


8  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

were  delivered  into  the  hands  of  his  brother.  Tutush,  who  estab- 
lished the  Turkoman  rule  in  these  provinces  on  a  firm  basis. 

Matters  in  Egypt  were  meanwhile  in  a  most  miserable  con- 
dition. "A  great  famine,  the  like  of  which  had  never  been  known 
since  the  days  of  Joseph  the  faithful,  desolated  Egypt  for  seven 
years;  men  ate  the  flesh  of  their  fellow-nien,  and,  it  is  said,  a 
single  piece  of  bread  was  sold  for  fifty  pieces  of  gold.""  Pesti- 
lence spread  through  the  land  in  448,  when  thousands  died  daily. 
As  a  result  of  these  conditions,  the  soldiers  were  not  paid  regu- 
larly, and  lawlessness  and  licentiousness  spread  through  the  army. 
The  negro  corps,  which  had  the  protection  and  support  of  the 
caliph's  mother,  and  which  was  always  hostile  to  the  Turkish  sol- 
diers, who  constituted  the  regular  army,  became  much  stronger 
during  this  time,  and  the  antagonism  between  the  two  parties 
frequently  resulted  in  bloodshed.  The  court  became  entirely 
demoralized ;  viziers  and  kadis  were  changed  so  frequently  during 
these  few  years  that  the  chronicler,  always  painstaking  and  scru- 
pulous, ceased  recording  even  their  names.7  In  454  open  feud 
broke  out  between  the  negro  and  the  Turkish  troops,  and  the 
country  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  civil  war,  which  lasted  more 
than  ten  years.  Nasir  ad-Daula,  the  leader  of  the  Turkish 
troops,  held  the  caliph  for  a  long  period  in  utter  subjection  and 
destitution,  burnt  the  royal  palace  and  the  valuable  royal  library 
—a  loss  mourned  by  scholars  to  th'e  present  clay — removed  from 
Cairo  all  the  adherents  of  the  Fatimide  dynasty,  and  contem- 
plated the  complete  overthrow  of  the  Fatimide  rule.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  he  intended  to  proclaim  himself  the  ruler  of  the  land.s 
The  other  Turkish  generals,  however,  soon  saw  through  his  scheme, 
and  Ildeguz,  one  of  his  captains,  by  strategy,  killed  Nasir  ad- 
Daula  and  two  of  his  brothers,  and  was  in  consequence  appointed 
to  the  office  of  vizier  by  the  caliph,  Mustansir.  Ildeguz,  how- 
ever, did  not  treat  the  caliph  any  better  than  his  predecessor,  and 
Mustansir  was  obliged  to  look  elsewhere  for  assistance.  Such 
assistance  soon  came  from  a  man  who,  though  of  lowly  origin, 
possessed  the  determination  and  power  that  make  the  true  leader, 
and  that  crowned  all  his  undertakings  with  glorious  success. 

Abu-1-Najm  Badr,  an  Armenian  slave,  purchased  by  the  emir 
Jamal  ad-Daula  Ibn-Ammar  in  Syria,  whence  he  obtained  his 
name  al-Jamali,  was  a  man  of  a  strong  will  and  of  an  insatiable 
desire  for  power  and  glory.  In  455  he  was  appointed  comman- 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  9 

dant  of  the  important  stronghold  of  Damascus.  The  soldiers  of 
the  city,  however,  who  would  not  submit  to  his  stringent  measures, 
rose  in  open  revolt  and  drove  him  from  the  city  in  456.  In  458 
he  was  again  appointed  commandant  of  Damascus,  but  because  of 
another  rebellion,  Badr  remained  in  'Akko,  as  the  mayor  of  the 
town  for  a  number  of  years,  whence  he  endeavored  to  check  the 
constant  progress  of  the  Turkoman  armies  in  Syria.  In  466 
Badr  was  secretly  appointed  vizier  by  Mustansir.  Badr  accepted 
the  appointment  on  the  condition  that  he  should  be  permitted  to 
retain  his  Armenian  corps,  and  that  Ildeguz  be  taken  prisoner. 
The  conditions  being  granted,  Badr  arrived  in  Cairo  on  the  eve 
of  Wednesday,  the  28th  of  Jumada  I,  466.9  He  soon  rid  him- 
self of  all  the  Egyptian  emirs,  divided  their  possessions  among 
his  own  officers,  and  made  himself  master  of  the  situation.  Mus- 
tansir, overjoyed  at  the  relief  afforded  him,  showed  Badr  all 
honor,  presented  him  with  a  precious  garment,  and  conferred 
upon  him  the  title  of  Emir  al-Juyush  (chief  of  the  army) — an 
honorary  title  held  only  by  a  few  prefects  of  Syria — and  shortly 
afterward  made  him  chief-kadi  (Kadi-1-Kudat)  and  chief  court 
preacher,  thus  giving  him  full  power  over  both  the  secular  and 
the  religious  affairs  of  the  realm.  Badr  soon  showed  himself 
worthy  of  the  trust  put  in  him.  As  soon  as  he  established  him- 
self in  his  new  position,  he  set  out  to  restore  peace  and  order  in 
the  land.  In  the  course  of  three  years  he  subjugated  all  the 
rebellious  tribes  on  the  coast  (467)  and  in  upper  Egypt  (469), 
showed  mildness' to  the  peaceful  tribes,  and  placed  the  land  in  a 
condition  of  peace  and  prosperity,  the  like  of  which  it  had  not 
enjoyed  for  many  years. 

In  spite  of  his  stratagem  and  diplomacy,  Badr  was  unable  to 
check  the  steady  advance  of  Turkoman  arms  in  Syria  and  Pales- 
tine, under  the  leadership  of  Atsiz  ibn  'Auk.  Atsiz  conquered 
Jerusalem  and  Ramla  in  463, 10  and  began  to  lay  siege  to  Damas- 
cus in  the  same  year.  Not  successful  this  time,  Atsiz  continued 
his  onslaughts  on  Damascus  every  year,  until  468,  when,  on 
account  of  a  war  that  broke  out  in  the  city  between  the  Berber 
soldiers  and  the  young  men  of  Damascus,  the  city  was  delivered 
into  his  hands,  and  the  most  frightful  scenes  of  carnage  ensued. 
Atsiz  then  introduced  on  the  Friday  Hotba,  on  the  26th  of  Du-1- 
IJijja,  the  name  of  the  Abasside  caliph  al-Muktadi.  The  rule 
of  the  Fatimide  dynasty  over  Damascus  then  ceased  forever. 


10  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

Emboldened  by  this  victory,  Atsiz  determined  to  continue  his 
expedition  against  the  Fatimide  caliph,  and  proceeded  forthwith 
toward  Egypt.  He  met  with  little  opposition  in  Syria,  and,  in 
469,  he  suddenly  appeared  before  Cairo,  at  the  head  of  a  large 
army  of  Turkomans,  Kurds,  and  Arabs.  His  troops  were  given 
full  freedom  to  look  for  booty  in  the  outskirts  of  the  capital,  while 
Atsiz  was  negotiating  with  Badr  about  terms  of  peace.  He  was 
willing  to  depart  from  Egypt,  if  a  large  sum  of  money  be  given 
to  him.  Badr,  however,  only  wanted  to  gain  time  until  his  troops, 
that  were  still  in  upper  Egypt,  should  arrive,  and  until  he  made 
some  other  arrangements  for  the  strengthening  of  his  forces. 
With  his  native  foresight,  Badr  was  ready  for  defeat  and  had  pre- 
pared vessels,  wherein  the  caliph  and  himself  could  make  their 
escape,  in  case*Atsiz  succeeded.  By  bribing  the  Turkomans 
under  Atsiz,  however,  Badr  was  so  gloriously  successful  in  an 
engagement  that  took  place  at  the  beginning  of  the  month  Rajab 
that  Atsiz,  accompanied  by  only  a  small  band  of  adherents,  had 
to  escape  to  Syria,  after  one  of  his  brothers  had  been  killed  and 
another  had  lost  his  arm.  In  Damascus,  where  he  left  one  of 
his  brothers  in  command,  everything  was  in  good  order,  and 
Atsiz  was  so  pleased  with  the  reception  accorded  him  that  he 
relieved  the  citizens  of  the  taxes  for  a  whole  year.  The  rest  of 
Syria  and  Palestine,  however,  embraced  this  opportunity  to  throw 
off  the  yoke  of  the  Turkomans,  and  again  declared  themselves  for 
Mustansir  and  the  Fatimide  dynasty,  so  that  Atsiz  had  to  begin 
anew  his  work  of  conquest  in  these  provinces.  He  took  Jerusalem 
after  a  short  siege,  and  put  to  death  the  kadi  and  other  municipal 
officers,  together  with  three  thousand  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city.  He  then  proceeded  to  Gaza,  and  reduced  to  subjection  the 
inhabitants  of  Syria  as  far  as  Al-Arish,  close  to  the  Egyptian 
boundary.  In  471  Badr  sent  an  army  under  Nasir  ad-Daula  to 
Damascus.  Atsiz  was  compelled  to  call  to  his  assistance  the  emir 
Tutush,  the  brother  of  Malik  Shah  who  had  been  appointed 
prefect  of  Syria.  Tutush  hastened  to  his  aid,  the  Egyptians 
withdrew  without  even  attempting  to  oppose  him,  and  Tutush 
was  welcomed  by  Atsiz  at  the  city  gates.  Tutush  ordered  Atsiz 
to  be  seized  and  executed  on  the  spot,  being  probably  prompted 
by  a  feeling  of  jealousy  of  Atsiz'  previous  victories,  and  made 
himself  master  of  Damascus  on  the  llth  of  Rabi  II,  472. 

Atsiz'  siege  of  Cairo,  and  his  subsequent  shameful  defeat  at 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  11 

the  hands  of  Badr  al-Jamali,  form  the  burden  of  this  poem.  The 
exultation  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Egyptian  capital  over  the  suc- 
cess of  their  vizier  must  have  been  .very  great  and  general  among 
all  the  classes  of  the  population.  There  might  have  been  an 
additional  reason  that  prompted  this  Jewish  poet  to  rejoice  over 
the  defeat  of  the  Turkomans.  As  appears  from  the  poem,  the 
conquest  of  Jerusalem  by  Atsiz  was  very  sorely  felt  by  the  Jews. 
The  author  dwells  at  great  length  on  the  cruelties  perpetrated 
against  the  inhabitants  of  the  Holy  City,  and  describes  the  defeat 
at  Cairo  as  a  direct  retribution  against  the  Turkomans.  Besides, 
the  Jews  were  greatly  attached  to  the  Fatimide  dynasty,  and 
especially  to  Mustansir,  who  treated  them  kindly  and  gave  them 
many  privileges. 

THE  TEXT. 

The  origin  and  development  of  mediaeval  Jewish  poetry  have 
formed  the  subject  of  much  scholarly  investigation  in  modern 
times.  The  style,  method,  diction,  and  metre;  the  sources,  both 
Jewish  and  foreign,  from  which  these  poets  have  drawn  their 
inspiration;  the  influences  exerted  upon  them  by  contact  with 
Arabic  culture;  the  historical  development  of  the  payyetanic  lit- 
erature; the  special  themes  of  the  Jewish  poets  of  the  Middle 
Ages — all  these  received  special  treatment  by  men  like  Zunz," 
Delitzsch,12  Dukes,13  Geiger,1*  and  others.  We  shall,  therefore, 
confine  ourselves  here  to  a  discussion  of  the  characteristics  that 
especially  mark  the  production  that  is  now  under  consideration. 

Our  author  follows  in  the  footsteps  of  the  earlier  Jewish  pay- 
yetanim  in  employing  a  language  which,  although  mainly  based 
on  biblical  Hebrew,  diverges  widely  from  it,  both  as  regards  the 
form  of  expression  and  the  meaning  attached  to  various  words. 
All  the  payyetanim,  being  saturated  with  the  Talmud  and  familiar 
with  its  mode  of  expression,  frequently  thinking  of  biblical  pas- 
sages, not  as  they  occur  in  the  Bible,  but  rather  in  connection 
with  the  peculiar  interpretation  attached  to  them  in  talmudic 
and  midrashic  writings,  indulged  in  allusions  and  metaphors 
that  can  be  understood  only  by  those  who'  have  imbibed  the 
spirit  of  the  rabbinical  writings  and  are  at  home  in  the  vast 
talmudic  and  midrashic  literature.  This  fact  will  not  appear 
strange,  when  we  consider  that  the  Hebrew  language  was  known 
to  these  writers,  not  as  a  living  tongue,  but  as  a  medium  of  reli- 
gious intercourse,  and  the  religious  intercourse  of  the  Jews  of  all 


12  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

ages  was  mainly  centered  around  the  Talmud  and  the  liturgy, 
which  was  in  itself,  to  a  large  extent,  produced  by  the  rabbis. 
Hence,  the  subjects  treated  by  these  poets,  being  mostly  of  a 
religious  nature,  lending  themselves  readily  to  such  figures  as  are 
employed  in  the  talmudic  Agada,  were  naturally  colored  by  the 
peculiar  mode  of  expression  employed  in  that  literature.  Thus, 
while  influenced  to  a  large  extent  by  Arabic  poetry  as  regards  the 
outward  form,  the  Jewish  poets  always  remained  on  Jewish  soil, 
not  only  in  thought  and  subject-matter,  but  also  in  diction,  figure, 
and  allusion.15 

The  chief  peculiarity  of  this  poem  consists  in  its  theme.  In 
the  whole  realm  of  mediaeval  Jewish  poetry  few  poems  can  be 
found  that  deal  with  a  historical  event  not  intimately  connected 
with  the  history  of  the  Jews.  That  such  poems  have  not  come 
down  to  us  in  large  numbers  does  not  prove  that  they  did  not 
exist.  It  is  very  likely  that  some  event  of  great  importance 
stirred  the  soul  of  some  Jewish  poet  to  compose  a  song  or  an 
elegy,  as  the  case  might  have  required.  It  merely  proves  that 
the  Jews  of  those  times,  and  also  of  later  years,  were  so  much 
occupied  with  their  own  affairs,  so  much  absorbed  in  the  interests 
of  their  own  religion  and  history,  that  they  neglected  to  preserve 
poems  that  were  not  strictly  Jewish.  Persecution  tends  to  make 
a  people  self-centered,  especially  when  solidarity  is  regarded  as 
the  only  remedy  against  entire  annihilation.  The  limited  horizon 
of  the  mediaeval  Jews  betrays  itself  chiefly  in  their  devotion  to 
their  religion  and  its  observances,  and  whatever  had  110  direct 
bearing  on  faith  and  ritual  was  considered  of  little  value.  Shut 
up  in  the  Ghetto  by  inimical  external  forces,  the  Jew  voluntarily 
cramped  his  interests  and  aspirations,  became  callous  to  events 
occurring  outside  of  the  Ghetto  walls,  and  regarded  with  indiffer- 
ence incidents  that  might  have  stirred  the  world,  but  did  not 
directly  affect  him.  Influenced  by  that  particular  view-point 
that  the  Jew  was  compelled  to  take  with  regard  to  the  outside 
world,  the  poets,  even  those  who  did  not  confine  themselves  to 
purely  religious  themes,  and  wrote  on  love,  wine,  and  play,  pro- 
duced few  poems  that  deal  with  secular  history.  It  is  therefore 
of  particular  interest  to  find  a  poem  that  has  but  a  remote  relation 
to  Jewish  religion,  history,  or  life,  written  by  a  Jew  and  preserved 
in  a  Genizah  in  a  Jewish  synagogue. 

That  the  genius  of  the  Hebrew  language  does  not  lend  itself 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  13 

readily  to  a  description  of  battles  and  sieges  can  be  seen  from 
this  poem.  Our  author  is  not  devoid  of  poetic  genius,  and  in  a 
few  places  the  narrative  is  very  vivid,  and  often  highly  poetic 
and  even  thrilling.  Still,  as  a  whole,  this  poem  compares  very 
unfavorably  with  the  master-productions  of  men  like  Yehudah 
Halevi,  Moses  ibn  Ezra,  and  Solomon  ibn  Gabirol.  Influenced 
by  the  earlier  school  of  payyetanim,  whose  language  is  obscure 
and  whose  figures  are  frequently  forced,  dealing  with  a  subject 
that  is  foreign  to  the  Jewish  mind  and  to  the  Hebrew  language, 
our  author  produced  a  poem  that  is,  from  the  poetic  standpoint, 
of  mediocre  value  only. 

There  is  no  particular  form  of  metre  followed  in  this  poem, 
Most  of  the  lines  consist  of  twelve  syllables,  six  in  each  hemistich, 
while  many16  follow  the  regular  metre,  very  often  employed  by  the 
payyetanim,  corresponding  to  the  Arabic  Hazaj,1'  which  consists 
of  a  composite  syllable  followed  by  two  plain  syllables,  twice 
repeated  in  each  hemistich.1"  It  is  obvious  that  the  author  made 
no  conscious  effort  to  retain  this  metre  all  through  his  poem, 
since  the  exceptions  are  too  numerous  to  allow  such  a  suggestion. 
The  rhyme,  however,  is  strictly  observed,  all  lines,  with  a  few 
exceptions,19  ending  in  DT2.  This  is  the  simplest  and  easiest 
rhyme,  since  it  was  of  little  consequence  to  change  a  singular 
into  a  plural  or  a  feminine  into  a  masculine  in  order  to  get  this 
ending.  The  author  does  not  follow  the  alphabetical  acrostic, 
common  in  mediaeval  Jewish  poetry,  nor  does  he  make  an  acrostic 
of  his  own  name,  according  to  the  practice  of  the  payyetanim. 
He  introduces  his  poem  with  a  quotation  from  the  book  of  Psalms 
— a  book  with  which  he  was  very  familiar — in  place  of  the  regular 
Arabic  introduction,  "In  the  name  of  the  most  merciful  God." 
Some  might  detect  in  the  first  five  hemistichs  an  attempt  to 
form  an  acrostic  on  the  tetragranimaton,  a  practice  largely  fol- 
lowed by  the  later  Jewish  writers  in  introducing  their  composi- 
tions. This,  however,  might  have  been  entirely  accidental.  The 
beginning  of  the  poem  in  1.  3  bears  direct  signs  of  Arabic 
influence.20 

Our  author  freely  indulges  in  creating  new  forms  for  words, 
both  in  forming  plurals  for  nouns  and  conjugations  for  verbs. 
He  does  not  go  quite  as  far  as  the  earlier  payyetanim,  who 
created,  as  Zunz21  puts  it,  "ephemeral  creations,"  formed  for  a 
certain  purpose,  without  any  intention  to  have  them  become  a 


14  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

part  of  the  language.  Still,  he  frequently  deviates  from  biblical 
usage  in  the  formation  of  words  and  phrases,  in  most  cases  for 
the  sake  of  the  rhyme  or  of  completing  a  line.  Of  the  peculiar 
plural  formations 22  may  be  mentioned  such  forms  as  D^'-JT  (1.  100), 
DTBTZtt,  D^bt2  (1.101),  DT23",  D^ETD  (1.111),  DT2lC^D  (1.129), 
and  others;  of  masculine  endings  given  to  feminine  nouns  may 
be  mentioned  such  as  D"EbS  (1.  98,  from  H^bS),  CT^p:  (1.  99, 
from  n^]53),  D":3"l  (11.  109,  142,  from  n:j")),  D"ES  (1.  125, 
from  iraS),  D-EtM  (1.  127,  from  TOM),  D-irQ  (1.  137,  from 

TT-^  •    T  :        v  T   T ;  ' 

n"-ri2l),  and  others.  Our  author,  like  many  of  the  other  pay- 
yetanim,  is  very  fond  of  rare  words  and  hapaxlegomena.  As 
examples  of  these  may  be  cited  PT23  (1.  9),  "V"S)'£  (1.  38), 
D'un  (1.  85),  D:0?  (1.  133),  Vnp  (1/140),  and  others.  Great 
liberty  is  taken  by  the  author  in  making  new  forms  for  verbs. 
Besides  using  verbs  in  conjugations  not  found  in  the  Bible,  the 
author  also  creates  new  forms,  especially  when  the  rhyme  requires 
it.  A  legitimate  liberty  is  taken  by  him  in  treating  verbs  mediae 
geminatae  after  the  analogy  of  triliterals,  as  D^/jnn  for  DIjn 
(1.3),  tTElcn  for  -Dtpri  (1.15),  D^Jin  for  DnH  (1.  26),  which, 
however,  does  not  occur  in  the  Hiphil. 

A  characteristic  of  this  poem  is  the  frequent  use  of  the  con- 
junction 1  in  the  beginning  of  lines — a  usage  frequently  followed 
by  Arabic23  and  Hebrew2*  writers  when  dealing  with  subjects  that 
require  vivid  description.  Nearly  two-thirds  of  the  lines  of  this 
poem  begin  with  1  —  a  fact  that  adds  vivacity  and  grace  to  the 
description,  although  much  discouraged  by  more  modern  writers. 
The  conjunction  Dlt  is  also  used  here  very  often  (about  fifty-three 
times) ,  obviously  for  the  same  reason.  Free  use  is  made  of  the 
particle  b,  which  is  used  not  only  to  express  the  indirect  object, 
or  with  the  infinitive  to  express  purpose,  but  also  with  verbs  that 
usually  take  the  direct  object  (e.  g.,  11. 16,  35,  47,  51,  ct  ul.}.  Other 
peculiarities  in  style  and  diction  will  be  noted  in  the  notes  to 
the  text. 

THE  AUTHOR. 

The  name  of  the  author  of  this  poem,  as  given  at  the  end  of 
the  manuscript,  Solomon,  son  of  Joseph,  Ha-Kohen,  is  unknown 
to  Jewish  history.  The  poem  itself  throws  but  little  light  on  the 
life  of  its  author.  It  can,  however,  be  safely  assumed  that  he 
was  an  inhabitant  of  Fostat  or  Cairo,  and  that  he  lived  at  the 
time  during  which  the  incident  narrated  here  took  place.  None 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  15 

but  an  eyewitness  could  have  described  the  siege  of  Cairo,  and 
the  incidents  attendant  upon  the  appearance  of  the  enemy  at  its 
gates,  with  such  minuteness.  The  high  tribute  paid  to  al- 
Mustansir  and  to  his  vizier  Badr  indicates  that  the  author  lived 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Mustansir.  The  knowledge 
that  the  author  displays  of  events  occurring  at  that  time  in  Syria 
and  Palestine  points  to  the  same  conclusion.  These,  however, 
are  all  the  internal  evidences  of  the  identity  of  our  author. 

More  light  is  thrown  upon  the  descent  and  family  relations  of 
our  author  by  the  epithet  he  attaches  to  his  name.  He  calls  him- 
self Cm&G  "p!  (a  descendant  of  Geonim ) ,  and  this  appellation  gives 
us  a  clue  as  to  his  origin.  Among  the  Genizah  fragments,  lately 
discovered  by  Professor  S.  Schechter,  there  is  one,  known  as 
Megillat  Abyathar,^  which  is  of  greatest  importance  to  mediaeval 
Jewish  history.  Professor  W.  Bacher26  thinks  that  a  new  chapter 
must  be  added  to  Jewish  history,  as  constructed  from  this  frag- 
ment. From  this  document  we  learn  that  the  office  of  the  Gaonate 
existed  in  Palestine  for  a  considerable  time,  after  it  had  ceased  in 
Babylon  with  the  death  of  Hai  Gaon.  The  Megillat  Abyathar 
presents  the  contention  that  existed  at  that  time  (1083)  about  the 
religious  jurisdiction  over  the  Jews  of  Egypt  and  Palestine.  We 
shall  present  here  a  few  facts,  gathered  from  this  and  from  other 
writings,  which  have  a  direct  bearing  upon  the  descent  and  rela- 
tions of  the  author  of  our  poem. 

Hai.  son  of  Sherira,  gaon  of  Pumbedita,  died  in  1038.  The 
gaonate  in  Babylon,  which  was  intrusted  with  the  Jewish  reli- 
gious affairs  for  nearly  four  and  a  half  centuries,  then  came  to  a 
close.  For  a  short  time27  after  the  death  of  Hai,  the  office  of  the 
gaonate  was  assumed  by  Hezekiah,  the  exilarch,  but  this  was 
merely  nominal — a  shadow  of  the  original  position.  Already 
during  the  life  of  the  last  gaon,  Hair  there  is  mention  of  the 
existence  of  an  academy  in  Palestine,  which  assumed  the  same 
functions  as  those  exercised  by  the  academies  presided  over  by 
the  Babylonian  Geonim. 2S  In  a  fragment,  published  by  Dr.  Neu- 
bauer."19  Solomon  ben  Yehudah  is  mentioned  as"  the  gaon  of  Pales- 
tine in  1046. so  Joseph,  the  son  of  Solomon,  is  supposed  to  have 
been  the  gaon  until  1054,  when  he  died.31  The  gaonate  then 
passed  over  to  Daniel  ben  Azariah,  a  scion  of  the  exilarch 
family.  When  Daniel  died  in  1062,32  Elijah,  the  brother  of 
Joseph,  became  gaon  and  ruled  the  Diaspora  until  1094.  When 


16  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

Jerusalem  was  wrested  from  the  hands  of  the  Fatimide  caliph  by 
Atsiz  ibn  'Auk  in  1071,33  the  gaon  and  his  academy  moved  to 
Tyre.  Abyathar,  the  son  of  Elijah,  became  gaon  after  his  father's 
death,  arid,  in  order  to  vindicate  his  position  against  the  pre- 
tenses of  David  ben  Daniel,  the  descendant  of  the  Babylonian 
exilarchs,  who  was  proclaimed  exilarch  in  Egypt,  where  he  had. 
many  supporters,  and  attempted  to  make  also  the  Palestinian 
Jews  bow  to  his  authority,  Abyathar  wrote  the  above-mentioned 
Megillah  (1094).  While  Abyathar  remained  in  Tyre,  the  next 
generation  of  geonim  lived  in  Egypt.34 

There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  this  Solomon  ben  Joseph 
Ha-Kohen,  the  descendant  of  Geonim,  was  a  member  of  the  illus- 
trious family  of  Palestinian  Geonim,  who  prided  themselves  on 
their  priestly  descent.  It  is,  however,  uncertain  whether  he  was 
the  son  of  Joseph  who  died  in  1054.  The  fact  that  Joseph  lived 
in  Palestine,  while  our  author  was  apparently  an  inhabitant  of 
Fostat,  would  not  militate  against  this  supposition.  The  Jewish 
communities  of  Egypt  and  Palestine  were  at  that  time  united  by 
many  ties.  While  during  the  lifetime  of  Joseph  there  seemed  to 
have  been  a  feud  between  these  communities  on  account  of  the 
intrigues  of  Daniel  ben  Azariah,35  after  the  death  of  the  latter,  in 
1062,  peace  was  restored,  and  the  Egyptian  Jewish  community 
willingly  submitted  to  the  authority  of  the  Palestinian  Geonim.36 
It  is  therefore  not  at  all  improbable  that,  after  the  death  of  his 
father,  Solomon  should  have  settled  in  Egypt.  His  praises  of 
Mustansir  and  of  the  government  in  general,  although  .the  govern- 
ment had  supported  Daniel,37  is  not  at  all  strange.  The  Jews 
were  always  well  disposed  toward  the  Fatimide  caliphs  and 
neglected  no  opportunity  to  express  their  gratitude  for  the  kind 
treatment  accorded  them.  This  was  especially  so  in  the  case  of 
Mustansir,  toward  whom  the  Jews  entertained  the  most  friendly 
feelings.38  Joseph  probably  died  young,  since  his  brother  Elijah, 
who  succeeded  him  in  the  gaonate,  lived  thirty  years  after  Joseph's 
death.39  Solomon,  the  son  of  Joseph,  might  have  been  quite  a 
young  man  in  1077,  when  the  event  narrated  in  this  poem 
occurred.  In  a  testatum,  copied  from  Fragment  T.-S.  20.  31, 
dated  1092,  and  apparently  written  in  Fostat,  a  Solomon  Ha- 
Kohen,  son  of  Joseph,  "the  father  of  the  academy,"40  is  men- 
tioned. It  is  very  tempting  to  identify  this  Solomon  with  the 
author  of  our  poem. 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  17 

Among  the  Genizah  fragments  now  in  the  possession  of  David 
Werner  Amram,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia,  there  is  one  that  bears 
directly  upon  our  subject,  and  that  may  serve  to  clear  up  the 
genealogy  of  this  gaonic  family.  It  is  a  prayer,  probably  read  in 
the  synagogue  on  the  sabbath,  for  the  souls  of  illustrious  dead," 
and  contains  the  names  of  Geonim,  Negidim,  rabbis,  and  so  forth. 
In  the  list  of  the  family  of  Geonim,  the  following  passage  occurs, 
which  rather  conflicts  with  the  accepted  theory  about  this  family: 
"For  the  good  memory  of  the  dead,  the  memory  of  the  Geonim 
of  Israel  ....  until  our  lord  and  master  Solomon  Ha-Kohen, 
the  chief  of  the  academy  Geon  Jacob,42  and  his  son  Elijah  Ha- 
Kohen,  the  chief  of  the  academy  Geon  Jacob,  and  his  brother 
Joseph  Ha-Kohen,  the  father  of  the  court  of  justice  for  all 
Israel."43  The  fact  that  Joseph  is  mentioned  after  Elijah,  and  is 
not  given  the  regular  title  of  "chief  of  the  academy  Geon  Jacob," 
borne  by  the  other  Geonim,  but  is  called  the  "father  of  the  court 
of  justice,''  is  rather  perplexing.  In  view  of  this  fragment  and  of 
other  evidences,  I  beg  to  submit  the  following  theory: 

It  was  customary  for  the  eldest  son  of  a  gaon  to  bear  the  title 
of  "father  of  the  court  of  justice,"  or  that  of  "father  of  the 
academy."  These  two  titles  seem  to  have  been  interchangeable,, 
so  that  one  and  the  same  man  might  be  called  at  one  time  by  one 
title  and  another  time  by  the  other.44  It  is  probable  that  Joseph  r 
the  eldest  son  of  the  gaon  Solomon,  also  bore  this  twofold  title 
during  the  lifetime  of  his  father.  Soon  after  Solomon's  death,. 
Daniel  ben  Azariah,  supported  by  the  government,  began  his  feud 
against  the  Palestinian  gaonic  family,  and  prevented  Joseph  from 
assuming  the  title  of  gaon,  so  that  Joseph  was  really  never  recog- 
nized officially  as  gaon,  and  remained  up  to  his  death  with  the 
title  of  "father  of  the  court  of  justice"  or  "father  of  the  academy. 'r 
The  fact  that  Abyathar  in  his  Megillah  designates  him  as  gaon,4* 
merely  proves  that  he  recognized  him  as  such,  but  in  official 
documents,  such  as  the  memorial  prayer  and  the  testatum,  he  was 
known  only  by  his  official  title.  Solomon,  the  son  of  Joseph, 
was  perhaps  too  young  at  the  time  of  Daniel's  death,  when  peace 
was  restored  in  the  community,  to  claim  the  title  of  gaon,  which 
really  belonged  to  him  by  right  of  descent,  he  being  the  son  of 
Joseph,  the  eldest  son  of  Solomon.  Thus  the  gaonate  passed 
over  to  Elijah,  Solomon's  uncle.  In  1082,  however,  when  Elijah 
called  a  meeting  of  all  Israel  at  Tyre  and  appointed  his  son 


18  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

Abyathar  as  his  successor  in  the  gaonate,  his  son  Solomon  as  the 
"father  of  the  court  of  Justice,"  and  a  stranger,  Zadok,  son  of 
Josiah,  as  "the  father,"46  Solomon,  son  of  Joseph,  was  displeased, 
and  perhaps  gave  his  support  to  David,  the  son  of  Daniel,  the 
exilarch,  who  attempted  to  wrest  the  authority  of  the  Palestinian 
Geonim.  The  testatum  quoted  above  was  drawn  up  in  "the  great 
court  of  the  lord  David  the  exilarch,  son  of  our  lord  Daniel  Gaon, 
the  Nasi  of  all  Israel";  hence  Solomon  withheld  from  mentioning 
his  father's  name  as  Joseph  Gaon,  but  refers  to  him  merely  as 
"father  of  the  academy,"  the  title  which  he  held  officially.  This 
would  still  further  explain  the  reason  for  the  great  adulation  the 
author  gives  in  this  poem  to  Mustansir  and  his  court,  who  is 
similary  praised  by  David  in  another  fragment.47  This  suggestion, 
although  not  essenftal  to  the  establishment  of  the  identity  of  our 
author,  merits  some  consideration  at  the  hands  of  scholars.  I 
expect,  in  the  near  future,  to  publish  the  memorial  prayer  in 
Mr.  Amram's  collection. 

THE  TEXT. 

COLUMN  1. 

48Drj3?  fT  ^ 

aim  weaba    -H  Kin 


nn  55"np  rnw  Umby  rrab 

TSH  -noa  bi 


nvr  D31  nitan  ai"Q 

'"n^iribn  D^STO      - 


10  "D-'Hinbb 

"D^VM  m  VPTT         ni^ni:  65r^p 

D^»  bsi  D^3  bin 

67 


15 


pis  71  Drrra&n  72-nn 
Ttb^"  irnb»  i 

«  Tiny  bsi 

20  76D^rc 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  19 


ux   JIM  13"1'J3  79~b  ~^r 

"Dr-ib'-r  2n  nis^2  31-1  nnirn  nn-j  n-p 

25          «"  n^rsrn  rn-r:  21^2  84nTnTa  nrrrp  82-,ni 

87o-;:fi-  D3i  ^^  i-nrrn  "-isa  D:I  IT?  bsb 

D^/»"i/»nn  n^^'iT""  89  TI  bx  """^  ^'^j^"1 

D"-!I  D3l  DTyn^l  ^Inlpl!!  2l"1  I'd 

03  D"T^"   D31  lTl15^P   D3»1  9"  D"yi2TU   >j  91  D" 


35         101n-iinn  bs  iz^-pnb          --is  1(J02bb  nn-s 


rrn 

D"7J1  -pSTS  Djl  1TT2  I05-|^stD  1^2  1C3D31 

40  "'8  D"<2p"T2  "'TK*  Djl  ''  "iT^Kn'i  ^T  Z"   DPI1 

'  D^aJ"-lr!12 


45    Dr^"iipn'-  118Dbl-b  117"iTiK 

COLUMN  2. 


50         ^D-T-lb-D  Kb   l88D-t 

*trwffrolj  rn 


20  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

140DT£ipTi  bs  D'nilfcl  T2TK  bD 

eo        "'Drawi  on  "'TI^TI  D' 


65 


D-SITC  Jin  mcnb 
'"Drawn  rby  3Tin 


nnb 

S^fl   D31 


70  149DTenn  nn  "jjirb          I460"bs  b«  btf 

nwnb  nb^bn  bs 


by  D"T2iy  am 
i  • 

75  nr 


nv^i^j   u^nj"'  D.H 
:n  nrnbi  DI»  ^32  I^T  »bi 

1MDT255T!2b  l^y^l  I5ID"nlp  ^32  1TD 

D"7jin  on  ni'iTQi  "i"yn  ^sn  bs 

154  D^J^/sn  DQSD7J  1D3D3'!2j  by  D^t 

D^in-1  by  icn  »bi  n1 

Diynn  on  or 
D"23r»i  on 

2  158D"bibym 
b  160b«  &m>i 


COLUMN  3. 

b«  mm  131 


94  -       D^jinnn  ^p7jiy  -jinn  DTiinb 

W7DTanin  ^bra  ny  mpr  D 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  21 


93            '""Drrnp    y  Tscin:  D-^-ITI  D-Kcrn 

erijTai  rsn  ara  v^bt?  a-nrr  sai 

100              D^.HI  n^bt:  031  tri-a^n  m  031 

169Dr-bnn  m  «bi  nir^n  lanfi  031 

1711  nr:n:  on  m'robn  c-mcs  rn 

"'DTiriD  m-rcnb  2^iKb  Tnsn  " 

173D^ibr;  bj  Db'2in  17'2D":is^i  D^rjr 

105  cr-y-i  nbisn  bipn  ^sa<2  ^y  ^^n  K 

bscN  rnsb  -br 
no 

106  I78DT-«fci    ":i    Ti5 


trano 


taa 


181  or:r  D-ns^  180nr<;D  nn  ire1'  D:  rreb 

in  182D^::m  nsrcn      TOten  TJ  b»  y- 

oris  bri  D^i3  b^b  n^n»    TJQ  r 


115 


188D"^?  ma-siTs  x^:n  D^  n^j  TSH 

19(1 


121      ""srmmn  bs  ya  (a^i)  omnK  •»  iysi  a, 


120  ^D-ETET  -,"3  "11W  "b? 


122      '"DTcir?  D"Dba  arm  o-bna 

'"D-sbwi  D"-j5^n  irD          D"a"i»  nrn  bx  mri 


125      '"D-wri  D3  D^bbn  rn  "wisa  ron 

197Dr2TE:n  is? 


COLUMN  4. 

-«:-  198rrn"  TI  rrn 

^o^iciia  DVST"I  oibbai 

^Dtts-a  b?  o-^Tiia  D-c^n  1*0 

130           ^  onwia  b7:^  run  ^inn  ^s^-j  -ibr  ": 


22  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

nb  as 


5J   DUE   ID" 

135  ^D".}!  "Dnxb  rrn         ^  D"33i3"i  b"bEE  DISI 

or-rnbi  nrnb 


T     '*'X  '  |         ' 


2I4D-3sn  ir&nb  nrrn 
0-Ebs  DTc 


145  t 

147  D^DIZJQI   t33lD   "oJUlb  I^SlDj  ^^S  "3o3   DT 

T 

IE  p"nnbi  n"i"S"b  ibnni 

T    rein"  p  -iriD-  Kin  r 

146  ->1SD-D17JS3   VBJE   73} 

rt:n 

150  22°] 


TRANSLATION. 

The  Lord  judgeth  nations;  the  Lord,  forever  and  ever; 

He  is  the  judge  of  widows,  and  He  is  the  father  of  orphans. 

Hast  thou  seen  the  wonders  of  God,  which  he  did  and  also  completed  ? 

How  he  saved  the  house  of  '  Ali,  the  dwellings  of  Kedar,  the  perfect— 
5.  The  great  king  who  relateth  hidden  things, 

Al-Mustansir  b'lllahi,  Ma' ad  Abu  Tamim, 

May  he  live  forever  in  abundance  of  good,  and  may  he  be  estab- 
lished eternally, 

The  priest,  son  of  priests,  the  pure,  the  perfect  — 

And  also  his  sons,  who  long  for  the  priesthood,  the  sons  of  nations — 
10.  And  also  his  servants,  who  love  to  battle  at  the  risk  of  their  lives, 

And  at  their  head,  the  captain  of  the  hosts,  (may  He  who  dwells  in 
the  upper  abodes  grant  him  life), 

Who  is  chief  over  all  chiefs,  of  all  peoples  and  of  all  nations, 

Whose  light  is  like  the  light  of  the  sun,  who  is  not  abashed  like 
those  who  are  ashamed, 

W7hose  sword  is  sharpened  against  all  enemies  and  all  those  that 
rise  up  against  him; 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  23 

15.    God  appointed  him  to  destroy  them,  and  he  did  indeed  destroy 
them  and  laid  waste 

Their  walls  and  their  palaces,  which  they  built  on  the  heights, 

And  cut  off  their  heads;  a  righteous  judgment  against  the  guilty! 

May  our  God  strengthen  him,  may  he  strengthen  him  forever! 

And  his  servitors  and  all  his  servants,  whose  odor  is  fragrant, 
20.    And  at  their  head,  tlie  glorious  old  man,  distinguished  in  honors, 

The  faithful  friend,  (he  and  the  king)  like  twin  brothers; 

May  our  Creator  preserve  him,  help  him  at  every  turn  ! 

May  it  please  you,  our  lord,  beloved  of  the  people,  head  of  all  nations, 

Accept  tribute  and  repose,  many  blessings  and  much  peace. 
25.    And  give  cassia  of  the  only  one,  with  much  thought  and  devotion, 

To  God  who  helped  and  saved,  who  destroyed  the  enemy  and 
utterly  confounded  (them), 

And  rejoiced  the  children  of  the  living  God,  the  upright,  the  per- 
fect ones, 

Who  did  much  charity,  and  afflicted  themselves  and  also  fasted, 

And  prayed  for  weeks,  both  day  and  night, 
30.    To  the  living  God,  the  Almighty,  the  Rock,  whose  work  is  perfect. 

And  he  granted  their  prayers  for  protection,  and  answered  them 
from  on  high, 

(Although  they  came)  without  meal-offering,  without  sacrifice,  with- 
out incense,  without  spices,     • 

Without  prophecy,  without  Urim,  without  Tumim,  without  dreams. 

And  He  ensnared  the  enemy  and  often  overthrew  them, 
35.    And  he  lured  on  the  enemy  to  bring  them  to  the  boundary. 

And  they  crossed  the  streams,  and  passed  over  the  lagoons, 

And  they  were  like  (mortal)  foes,  as  those  who  are  vindictive  and 
revengeful, 

And  they  entered  Fostat,  robbed  and  murdered, 

And  ravished  and  pillaged  the  storehouses; 

40.    They  were  a  strange  and  cruel  people,  girt  with  garments  of  many 
colors, 

Armed  and  officered — chiefs  among  "the  terrible  ones"- 

And  capped  with  hemlets,  black  and  red, 

With  bow  and  spear  and  full  quivers; 

And  they  trumpet  like  elephants,  and  roar  as  the  roaring  ocean, 
45.    To  terrify,  to  frighten  those  who  oppose  them, 

And  press  forward  as  the  waves  of  the  sea,  they  cunningly  devise 
their  retreat, 

And  they  stammer  with  their  tongues,  they  endeavor  to  beguile  with 
craftiness ; 

They  are  mingled  of  Armenians,  Arabs,  and  Edomites, 

And  Greeks  and  Germans,  Paphlogonians  and  Turks ; 
50.    And  they  are  wicked  men  and  sinners,  madmen,  not  sane, 

And  they  laid  waste  the  cities,  and  they  were  made  desolate 

And  they  rejoiced  in  their  hearts,  hoping  to  inherit. 


24  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

But  when  (their  chief)  consulted   the   soothsayers,   the   diviners 
mocked  him. 

And  they  broke  camp,  and  placed  (men)  in  ambush, 
55.    And  they  hastened  in  fear,  and  also  told  their  servants,  "let  us 
depart  from  the  boundary ! "  ( ?) 

And  they  stumbled  and  became  weak,  and  their  eyes  were  blinded, 

And  they  were  caught  in  the  net — the  sbns  of  adultery. 

And  God  remembered  their  iniquities  and  their  sins  that  are  sealed, 

And  their  evil  deeds  against  all  men,  that  they  harassed  all  creatures. 
60.    And  He  overthrew  them  and  humbled  them  and  crushed  all  the 
hopeful  among  them. 

He  also  remembered  what  they  had  done  to  the  people  of  Jerusalem, 

That  they  besieged  them  twice  in  two  years, 

And  burned  the  heaped  corn  and  destroyed  the  places, 
.  And  cut  down  the  trees  and  trampled  upon  the  vineyards, 
65.   And  surrounded  the  city  upon  the  high  mountains, 

And  despoiled  the  graves  and  threw  out  the  bones, 

And  built  palaces,  to  protect  themselves  against  the  heat, 

And  erected  an  altar  to  slay  upon  it  the  abominations; 

And  the  men  and  the  women  ride  upon  the  walls, 
70.    Crying  unto  the  God  of  gods,  to  quiet  the  great  anger, 

Standing  the  whole  night,  banishing  sleep, 

While  the  enemy  destroy,  evening  and  morning, 

And  break  down  the  earth,  and  lay  bare  the  ground, 

And  stand  on  the  highways,  intending  to  slay  like  Cain, 
75.    And  cut  off  the  ears,  and  also  the  nose, 

And  rob  the  garments,  leaving  them  stand  naked, 

And  also  roar  like  lions,  and  roar  like  young  lions; 

They  do  not  resemble  men,  they  are  like  beasts, 

And  also  harlots  and  adulterers,  and  they  inflame  themselves  with 

males, 
80.    They  are  bad  and  wicked,  spiteful  as  the  Sodomites. 

And  they  impoverished  the  sons  of  nobles,  and  starved  the  delicately 
bred. 

And  all  the  people  of  the  city  went  out  and  cried  in  the  field, 

And  covered  their  lips,  silent  in  their  pains, 

And  they  had  no  mercy  on  widows,  and  pitied  not  the  orphans. 
85.    What  should  they  do,  whither  should  they  seek  protection,  since 
their  sins  are  recorded? 

Their  princes  led  them  astray,  their  chiefs,  the  wise  ones; 

They  are  robbers  and  thieves,  they  are  wise  only  to  do  evil; 

Children  rule  over  them,  leading  them  with  a  halter. 

But  God  was  jealous  for  his  sanctuary,  and  scattered  them  over- 
whelmed. 
90.    Because  of  their  evil  deeds,  the  revealed  and  also  the  hidden : 

They  changed  the  laws  of  God,  they  multiplied  iniquities, 

They  are  murderers  and  slanderers,  cause  blood  to  touch  blood, 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  25 

And  new  sins  were  added  to  the  early  ones, 

To  lower  them  to  the  pit  of  destruction,  into  the  depths  of  the  deep ; 
95.    He  will  destroy  them,  He  will  wipe  off  their  memory,  and  they 

shall  not  see  pleasantness, 

A  burning  shall  be  upon  them,  even  burning  coals: 
Should  we  attempt  to  count  their  sins,  it  would  be  a  shame  and  a 

disgrace. 

Because  of  their  violence,  God  was  wroth  and  sent  vengeance, 
And  he  came,  destroyed  the  world,  with  much  wrath  and  anger, 
100.    And  He  also  withheld  the  early  rain,  also  dew  and  rain, 
The  springs  were  dried  up  and  the  beds  were  not  watered. 
They  were  like  Sodomites,  they  resembled  (the  people  of)  Gomorrah. 
Then  he  allowed  the  enemy  to  prevail,  in  order  to  uproot  them 

(later)  with  utter  destruction. 
And  the  Assyrians  and  the  Northerners,  he  led  them  for  the  purpose 

of  striking  them  down. 
105.    And  the  enemy  came  to  the  fortress,  with  a  noise  of  roaring  and  of 

thunder, 

With  much  dancing  and  with  banners,  like  the  horns  of  the  Re'em. 
And  the  enemy  entered  the  treasury,  and  opened  the  hidden  places 
And  the  enemy  went  to  Damascus,  with  a  happy  star  and  with 

songs, 

And  they  captured  it  and  dwelt  therein,  for  about  two  hundred  days. 
110.    And  they  expected  to  reign  in  Fostat,  but  their  eyes  were  blinded. 
And  they  came  in  haste  to  the  royal  city,  that  is  protected  by  clouds, 
That  is  known  as  Cairo,  to  all  peoples  and  all  nations. 
And  there  came  forth  the  camp  of  the  saved  ones,  and  among  them 

was  the  chief  of  the  wise, 
And  placed  fla^gs  like  columns,  for  the  sons  of  Kush,  the  sons  of 

Ham. 

115.    And  the  chief  came  with  great  anger  and  with  great  terror, 
And  Arabians  and  Hagrites,  to  the  left  and  to  the  right. 
And  the  enemy  came  with  much  arrogance,  to  swallow  up  the 

nations. 
But  the  Rock  brought  to  naught  the  counsel  of  nations,  He  made 

of  none  effect  the  devices  of  peoples. 

And  their  star  declined,  the  daughters  of  Arcturus  and  Pleiades, 
120.    And  the  hosts  of  'Ali  conquered  them — the  saved,  the  descendants 

of  Zamzumim; 

The  children  of  Abraham  cried  [and  the  merciful  God  barkened], 
To  him  who  smites  great  kings  and  slays  mighty  kings. 
And  God  commanded  that  the  enemy  should  be  like  the  deaf  and 

the  dumb, 

And  he  did  not  favor  them,  and  He  did  not  save  them — the  wor- 
shipers at  high  places, 
'25.    And  ere  He  turned  to  their  supplication,  they  were  slain  and 

dead(?), 


26  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

And  their  heads  were  cut  off,  and  their  souls  fled  away. 

He  who  was  and  will  be  saith  these  words. 

And  they  robbed  them  and  spoiled  them,  and  vanquished  them  by 
cutting  them  off. 

And  their  chiefs  came,  with  baskets  upon  their  shoulders, 
130.    Seeking  the  accustomed  favor  of  the  king,  and  a  happy  fate  by 
their  submission  (?), 

But  he  commanded  to  crush  them  and  to  cut  them  up  with  axes, 

And  sent  them  to  the  provinces  to  heal  the  sorrowful  hearts, 

(Of  those)  who  were  like  drunken  men,  whose  spirits  were  troubled, 

Some  of  them  remained  sound,  others  were  wounded. 
135.    And  the  mouth  that  boasted  of  great  things,  became  like  a  speech- 
less stone. 

And  their  corpses  were  cast  to  the  wild  beasts  and  animals, 

And  the  remainder  of  their  bodies,  for  worms  and  lizards, 

And  the  remainder  they  gathered  up  in  large  heaps  of  bones, 

For  summer  and  winter,  for  autumn  and  spring. 

140.    And  this  is  the  work  of  the  Tester,  who  protecteth  with  the  multi- 
tude of  His  compassion. 

Do  ye  charity  and  give  thanks  and  pray  to  God  with  song. 

The  stone  that  the  builders  rejected  is  become  the  corner-stone. 

He  shall  enter  with  song,  for  the  binders  of  the  sheaves  were 
favored. 

Ye  shall  live  to  see  the  building  of  the  House,  the  Temple,  and  its 

halls, 
145.    Also  the  children  and  the  women,  the  daughters  and  the  sons, 

For  the  word  of  God  is  upright,  and  all  His  works  are  faithful. 

The  second  day,  four  were  left  in  the  month  of  Shebat,  and  in  years, 

The  year  4837  from  the  creation,  and  from  the  destruction  (of  the 
Temple)  1009. 

Solomon,  he  is  the  priest,  son  of  Joseph,  descendant  of  Geonim. 
150.    And  if  you  would  count,  count  149  (spell  "destruction").     It  is 
more  precious  than  pearls. 

REFERENCES. 

1  In  the  autumn  of  1896;  c/.  Jewish  Encylopedia,  Vol.  V,  s.  v.;  D.  Kauffmann,  in  the 
Hebrew  monthly  Hashiloah,  Vol.  II,  pp.385,  481.  Many  of  these  fragments  have  been  edited 
and  published  in  various  issues  of  the  Jewish  Quarterly  Review  (1896-1905)  and  other 
magazines. 

I  wish  to  extend  my  sincere  thanks  to  Professor  S.  Schechter,  now  president  of  the 
Jewish  Theological  Seminary  of  America,  for  his  kindness  in  permitting  me  the  use  of  the 
manuscript,  and  for  many  valuable  suggestions.  I  also  take  this  opportunity  to  express  my 
gratitude  to  Professor  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  for  innumer- 
able courtesies  shown  to  me  both  in  the  preparation  of  this  monograph  and  during  the  years 
that  I  took  various  courses  with  him. 

^Raphe;  c/.  Konig,  Lehrgebaude  der  hebr&ischen  Sprache  (Leipzig,  1881),  Vol.  I,  p.  41  j 
Gesenius-Kautzsch,  Hebraische  Grammatik  (Leipzig,  1889),  §142. 

3  The  main  source  for  this  sketch  is  Wiistenfeld,  Geschichte  der  Fatinnden  Chalifen,  in 
"Abhandlungon  der  kOnigl.  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften  zu  GOttingen,"  Vol.  XXVII 
(Gottingen,  1881). 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  27 

*Makrizi,  Vol.  I,  p.  355;  cf.  Ibn  Khallikan,  Hiographical  Dictionary,  translated  by 
de  Slane  (Paris.  1842),  Vol.  Ill,  p.  382. 

5  Gibbons,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  ed.  Smith  (London,  1887),  V<4|  VII. 
pp.  155-66;  cf.  Miiller,  Der  Islam  in  Moraen-  und  Abendlanle  (Berlin,  183i),  Vol.  I,  p.  636. 
•        6  Ibn  Kliallikan,  loc.  cit. 

'•Qf.  Wiistenfeld,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  26-28,  who  quotes  -«ujuti  (Bulak),  Vol.  II,  pp.  92  and  117, 
where  a  list  of  thirty-nine  viziers  and  forty-two  chief  kadis  is  given. 

8 See  Wttitenfeld,  loc.  cit..  p.  36. 

f'Makrizi,  Vol.  I,  p.  382;  cf.  Ibn  Khallikan,  loc.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp,  612,  613,  where  a  very- 
interesting  incident  is  related  about  the  advent  of  Badr  at  Mustansir's  court. 

i»  Wnstenfeld,  loc.  cit.,  p.  38;  Besant  and  Palmer,  Jerusalem  (New  York,  1890),  pp.  120-22. 

11  Die  synagogale  Poesie  des  Al  ittelalters  (Berlin,  1855);  Literaturgeschichte  der  syna- 
gogalen  Poesie  (Berlin,  1865). 

i-Zur  Geschichte  derjudischen  Poesie  (Leipzig,  1836). 

MZur  Kenntniss  der  neuhebraischen  religiosen  Poesie  (Frankfurt,  1842). 

njiilischeDichtungenderspanischenund  itahenischen  Schule  (Leipzig,  1856);  Divan 
des  Abu'l  Hassan  Ju'ia  ha-Levi  (Breslau,  1851);  Salomo  Gabirol  und  seine  Dichtungen 
(Leipzig,  1867). 

is  Cf.  Dukes,  loc.  cit.,  especially  pp.  16-29, 112-35. 

i«  E.  a.,  11.  7,  12,  13,  15, 16, 18, 19,  26,  28,  et  al. 

i~>Cf.  Caspari- Wright,  Arabic  Grammar,  3d  ed.,  Vol.  II,  p.  360. 

18  w  — I  ~  — .  w —  I  ^ '!..     The    Hebrew    name  for  this  metre  is 

•ijnca  'iDi  nb-a  ,m:n:n  Tran  "»m  ,mn:n  Tinn  im.   This  is  the  metre 

adopted  in  the  well-known  hymn  of  the  Jewish  liturgy  beginning  with  the  line 

ana;  "pj*j  b|  nnna  <!f 

See  Rosin,  Abraham  Ibn  Ezra  (Breslau,  1885),  Introduction,  §6,  p.  9. 

19  LI.  11,  22,  25, 109, 112,  117, 131,  142, 143,  T46,  147, 148, 150  end  in  C^?  • 
«>  See  note  51. 

-i  Literaturgeschichte  der  synagogalen  Poesie,  p.  30. 

2-  See  Zunz,  Synagogale  Poesie,  p.  118,  and  Beilage,  pp.  374-77. 

-*  Cf.  XOldeke,  Delectus  Veterum  Carminum  Arabicorum  (Berlin,  1890),  pp.  64,  70,  75,  77 
79,  et  al. 

24  Cf.  Ibn  Ezra,  ed.  Kahana,  Vol.  I,  pp.  156-60  (poems  on  chess  play),  pp.  191-204  (elegy 
on  the  destruction  of  Jewish  communities  in  Spain) ;  Halevi,  ed.  Harkavy,  Vol.  I,  pp. 
25-31  et  al. 

*>  Schechter,  Saadyana  (Cambridge,  1903),  Fragment  XXXVIII,  pp.  80-104. 

2«  Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  Vol.  XV,  pp.  79-96. 

2?  Two  years,  according  to  Ibn  Daud,  Sefer  Ha-^abbalah,  ed.  N'eubauer,  Mediaeval 
Jewish  Chronicles,  Vol.  I,  p.  67;  cf.  Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  Vol.  VI,  p.  14;  a  longer 
period  according  to  Chronicles  of  Jerahmeel,  ed.  Xeubauer,  loc.  cit.,\o\.  I,  p.  177;  cf.  Bacher 
loc.  cit.,  p.  80. 

28  Jetcish  Quarterly  Review,  Vol.  XIV,  p.  233.  29  ibid.,  Vol.  I,  p.  178. 

30  Bacher,  loc.  cit.,  p.  82;  Epstein  in  the  Monatsschrift,  Vol.  XL VII,  p.  345,  objects  to 
Bacher's  assumption  on  the  ground  that  Solomon  ben  Yehudah  is  not  mentioned  as  a 
Kohen,  a  pedigree  of  which  the  Palestinian  Geonim  were  particularly  proud.    Posnanski, 
however,  in  his  Schechters  Saadyana  (Frankfort,  1903),  agrees  with  Bacher.    Cf.  Schechter, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  81,  n.  1.    That  the  gaon  preceding  Joseph  was  called  Solomon  is  further  sup- 
ported by  the  fragment  in  Amram's  collection,  referred  to  later. 

31  Schechter,  loc.  cit.,  p.  88, 1.  12.  32  ibid.,  1.  15. 
33  See  "  Historical  Sketch,"  p.  5. 

3*  Bacher,  loc.  cit.,  p.  92,  and  Jewish  Encyclopedia,  Vol.  V,  p.  572. 

35  Schechter,  loc.  cit.,  p.  88,  11.  9, 10.  36  ibid.,  1. 18.  37  ibid.,  p.  81. 

38  Cf.  Schechter.  loc.  cit.,  Fragment  XL;  Goldziher,  Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  Vol.  XV 
pp.  73,  74. 

39  Died  1084;  Schechter,  loc.  cit.,  p.  89, 1.  23. 


28  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 


4IJb"2T  rQ"1'0"in  2X  EOT   ""PI  "nDn  rVObHJ,  quoted  ibiil.,  p.  SI,  n.  2,  last  name. 

41  Cf.  Gaster,  in  Gedenkbuch  zur  Erinnerung  an  David  Kauff  matin  (Breslau,  1900),  pp. 
230,  *1,  Xos.  XV  and  XVI. 

42Hpy  "pSW  was  the  name  of  the  Palestinian  academy,  and  the  title  rQ^TC"1  "CX"! 
""ipy  •p*j5Ji  was  the  official  title  borne  by  the  Geonim  ;  cf.  Schechter,  loc.  cit.,  p.  81,  n.  1. 

«*srflF  bo  be  I-H  tro  is. 

«  Cf.  ibid.,  p.  82,  n.  4. 

uibid.,  p.  ss,  1.8,  n^ifctt  -era  "jron-  imbin  iron  rcT- 

w  76td.,  p.  88,  11.  17-19.   '  ^  Ibid.,  Fragment  XII. 

*s  ps.  %  :  10  ;  cf.  Ps.  9  :  9.  *»  Ps.  93  :  5.  W£f.  ps.  68  :  6. 

5'  Arabic  influence.  It  is  the  custom  of  Arabic  poets  to  begin  their  poems  with  a  rhe- 
torical question.  Cf.  Ibn  Hisham,  516,  517  ;  Ibn  Athir,  3,  152,  et  al. 

52  Job  37:14;  cf.  Mic.  7:15;  Ps.  78:11.    See  Schechter,  Saadyana,    rfiXTib    PlXbs 
(Cambridge,  1893),  Fragment  XVII,  1.  6,  p.  46. 

53  Analogy  of  triliterals  for  the  purpose  of  perfecting  the  rhyme.    The  regular  form 
would  be  Cnn;    cf.  2  Sam.  20  :  18. 

5'  Regular  appellation  of  the  Fatimide  dynasty  of  caliphs. 

55  Mentioned  in  the  Bible  as  the  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  25:13;  1  Chron.  1  :29)  ;  also  as  the 
name  of  a  tribe  of  nomads  in  the  Arabian  desert  (Isa.  21:16;  42:11;  60:7;  Jer.  2:10;  49:28; 
Ezek.  27:21;  et  al.).  In  mediaeval  Jewish  literature  this  name  was  used  generically  for  all 
Mohammedans.  See  Ibn  Ezra's  commentary  to  Dan.  11:30,  ITllDbTO  T2Ji?"l  "H"Tpn  "IHT 
bSyaiZr  I"!"1!  ;  also  Rosin's  edition  of  Ibn  Ezra's  Poems  (Breslau,  1887),  Vol.  II,  p.  90, 
n.6;  Halevi,ed.Harkavy  (Warsaw.  1893),  Vol.  II,  p.  11;  Al-Charizi,  Tachkemoni.  ed.  Kaminka 
(Warsaw,  1899),  pp.  8,  118;  Schechter,  loc.  cit..  Fragment  XXIII,  verso  1.  8,  p.  50.  Kedar  is 
also  supposed  to  have  been  the  ancestor  of  Mohammed  himself,  according  to  Arabic 
tradition;  see  Caussin  de  Perceval,  Essai,  Vol.  I,  175,  quoted  in  Jewish  Encyclopedia,  Vol. 
VIII,  p.  462. 

MCf.  Job  11:6.  Masculine  instead  of  feminine  ending  (Ps.  44:22)  for  the  sake  of  the 
rhyme. 

57  The  full  name  of  the  caliph  is    Jouo    iv*4-i    *-?!    aJJU      ~x2AX**4J{  .     The 

author  transferred  the  last  phrase  for  the  sake  of  the  rhyme  and  added  X1H,  the  last  X 
of  which  is  also  to  be  joined  to  the  next  word. 

58  The  word  D"p  »  which  is  frequently  used  by  the  mediaeval  payyetanim  as  one  of  the 
epithets  by  which  God  is  described  (cf.  "B"np"l  DTYQT  XT13  Dnp1  TIi  used  as  a  refrain 
in  various  parts  of  the  liturgy  for  the  holidays  ;  cf.  Berakoth,  32a),  is  probably  borrowed  from 

G     i- 
the  Arabic    (**^9    "lasting,  unchangeable,  God."    Cf.  Ben  Sira  [ed.  Levi],  42:23,  note  m. 

59mni2  denoting  ethical  purity  is  found  only  in  the  later  books  of  the  Bible  (Job 
14:4;  Prov.  22:11),  and  rarely  used  as  a  noun  (cf.  Eccles.  9:2,  where  it  is  used  in  parallelism 
with  p^HJZ  and  3*112  )•  In  rabbinic  and  mediaeval  Jewish  literature  this  word  is  also 
rarely  used  as  a  noun  (cf.  Baba  Mezia',  860,  "Iint3  "fn'O'ttJ'n  Tint3  "]S13TD)- 

60  Cf.  Shabbath,  336,  in  interpretation  of  Gen.  33  :  18.  In  later  Hebrew  QblZJ  is  used  in  a 
more  abstract  sense,  denoting  intellectual  and  moral  perfection.  It  is  frequently  employed 
in  the  long  epithets  preceding  the  name  of  one  to  whom  a  letter  is  addressed,  either  with  or 
without  the  word  CDnH- 

eiHapax.,  Ps.  63:2. 

62n3"irO  as  applied  to  the  caliphate,  and  "ir"O   0-  8)  to  the  caliph,  is  rather  unusual. 

Q  -^, 

The  Arabic  ..wJOVj  (Kor.,  LII,  29)  is  applied  to  a  soothsayer,  usually  the  instrument  of 
a  demon.  It  is  sometimes  also  used  in  the  sense  of  priest.  The  Hebrew  "j~D  ,  besides  its 
regular  meaning,  is  sometimes  used  to  denote  a  king  or  a  prince  (Gen.  14:18;  Exod.  2:16; 
3:1;  18:1;  Zech.  6:13;  cf.  2  Sam.  8:18,  where  the  children  of  David  are  called  D^HD  ;  also 
20:26,  where  Ira  the  Jairite  is  called  Tnb  frO)-  From  Gen.  14:18  it  appears  that  the 
king,  who  also  performed  priestly  functions,  was  given  the  name  of  "ji""O  •  This  may  be  the 
reason  why  our  author  uses  this  designation  for  the  Egyptian  caliph,  who  was  regarded 
as  the  ecclesiastical  chief  of  the  Mohammedan  world,  at  least  by  his  followers. 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  291 


6:)This  plural  of  ("TSS?  is  found  only  once  (Ps.  117:1);  otherwise  the  plural  is 
(Gen.  25:16  [Ishmaell,  Numb.  25:15  [MidianJ).    The  form  DTQlfcS  is  not  found  in  the  Bible\ 
cf.  1.  12,  where  the  T  is  omitted. 

64  C/.  2  Sam.  23:  17,  amiBSSS  G"O5nn  (A.  V.  "that  went  in  jeopardy  of  their  lives"). 
The  expression  TBS2  D^TBH  is  frequently  used  in  payyetanic  literature  to  denote  the  idea 
of  sacrificing  oneself;  see  Zunz,  Literaturgeschichte  der  synago'jalen  Puesie,  p.  641,  n.  15. 

65  See  Judg.  11:6,  11;  Josh.  10:24. 

66  Especially  applied  to  divine  abode;  see  Ps.  68:6;  90:1;  2  Chron.  19:27;  cf.  Mont- 
gomery, "The  Place,"  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  Vol.  XXIV,  Part  I  (1905),  p.  26. 

<"  See  2  Sam.  19  :  4.  68  Ezek.  21  :  14,  33. 

69  In  biblical  usage  "extreme  "  (Ps.  134:  22).  In  rabbinic  literature  it  sometimes  has  the 
meaning  of  destruction,  in  the  same*sense  as  used  here;  cf.  Numb.  Rabba,  XVIII,  12. 

"OLate  Hebrew  (Ezra  10:14;  Neh.  10:35;  13:31),  and  rabbinic.  The  regular  term  for 
the  summons  of  the  court  of  justice  is  T"i2T2TiT  (Kiddushin,  70a). 

'IC/.  Ps.  78:69. 


~'2  Aramaic  and  rabbinic  (Hulin,  33a),  probably  related  to  the  Arabic  vd.iLJC  —  "to  cut 
through,  tear  through,"  hence  "decide"  (Dan.  9:24);  cf.  Barth,  Etymologische  Studienr 
p.  23;  Kohut,  Aruch  Completum,  s.  v. 

73  Denominative  from  5lfc?  ("strength,"  Ps.  22:20;  88:5).    The  verb  is  not  found;  cf 
Schechter,  loc.  cit.,  p.  Ill,  Fragment  XLI,  1.  7. 

74  The  verb  not  found  in  the  Bible.    In  rabbinic  literature  it  means  "to  be  pleasant" 
(Lam.  Rabba,  I,  38;  Gen.  Rabba,  LXXXV,  4;  Sukkah,  5la).  and  also  "to  be  intoxicated" 
(Megillah,  76;  Baba  Bath  ra,  736;  Shabbath,  666;  Sanhedrin,38o),  probably  associated  with. 

the  Arabic    iV1**-?  =  "  to  laugh,  to  be  cheerful."     The  term    DTD'Q'Q    is  used  in  common 
parlance  as  a  euphemism  for  "drunk."    For  the  expression  DTBID'50  J"P"1  see  Cant.  4:10. 

'>'>  Refers  to  Badr  al-Jamftfi,  at  that  time  about  sixty-two  years  old.  He  is  probably  the 
same  one  referred  to  in  1.  11  as  rfibOS  "p^P  >  since  he  held  both  offices  at  that  time,  that 
of  chief  of  the  army,  chief  kadi  and  chief  court  preacher  ;  see  "  Historical  Sketch,  p.  9." 

76  Rabbinic,  "completion,  perfection"  (Baba  Mezia',  766);  also  "  to  make  a  sign  "  (c/^ 
TjTQ^Oi  Arab.    LfJUw,   Gr.  o^a).     Here  marks  of  distinction  that  were  conferred  upon 
Badr  by  the  caliph. 

77  Cf.  Cant.  4:2;  6:6;  for  the  idea,  cf.  Ps.  133:1  ;  see  Zunz,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  69,  648.    Probably 
refers  to  the  friendship  that  existed  between  Badr  and  Mustansir. 


78  Used  here  in  the  same  sense  as  the  Arabic  phrase    85-^-5    (JJ    iv)^    'n  everv 

#'  '  ^  **     4> 

instance.    The  more  usual  form  in  mediaeval  Hebrew,  however,  is  D"^2S  5D  57  • 

7»C/.  Mai.  3:4;  Ps.  104:34. 

so  A  play  on  n530  D7  (Deut.  7:6;  14:2;  26:  18;  cf.  Eccles.  2:8;  Baba  Bathra,  52aK 
The  term  5130  is  not  found.  Used  in  later  Hebrew  in  describing  a  man  who  is  beloved  by 
the  people  or  by  his  fellow-students;  see  Schechter,  loc.  cit.,  p.  63,  n.  4. 

81  "  Greetings;"  cf.  Berakoth,  14a. 

w  Meaning  somewhat  obscure. 

S3Exod.  30:24  ("in  sacred  oil");  Ezek.  27:19  ("merchandise");  see  Low,  Aramciische 
Pflanzennamen,  §§290,  295. 

84  An  epithet  given  to  Israel  ;  see  Ps.  68  :  7,  and  Rashi,  ad  loc*.  ;  cf.  in  liturgy  for  the 
festival  of  Sukkoth,  Hosha'anot,  s.  v.    7113111    "'DX    DS    ,"nrP5   m^IT  "the  only  one 
(Israel)  to  proclaim  Thy  unity." 

85  m"ln  =  "allegory,  parable"  (Prov.  1:6;  Ezek.  17:2);  D^DY^n  ="  musing,  medita- 
tion" (Ps.  19:  5).    Plural  not  found.    "  With  earnest  prayer." 

86  Play  on  caliph's  name. 

87  Cf.  Exod.  14:  24;  23:27  ;  see  1.  3  and  note. 

88  Hiphil  not  found.  89  Cf.  Deut.  14  :  1. 
9«  "Charity,"  later  usage  of  the  word.    Cf.  Berakoth,  66, 

"  the  merit  in  fasting  lies  in  the  charity  distributed  on  that  day." 


• 

30  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

91  Qf.  'Aboda  Zarah,  76. 

92  This  form  of  the  plural  is  found  only  in  Dan.  9:24,  25,  26;  10:2,  3;  otherwise 
<Exod.  34:22;  Deut.  16:9,  10,  et  al.). 

93  Cf.  Ps.  42  :  4  ;  22  :  3.  9*  Cf.  Deut.  32  :  4. 

95  As  a  rule,  used  in  Niphal  with  b  (Gen.  25:21;  Isa.  19:22). 

96  Cf.  Ps.  64  :  3. 

97  See  liturgy  for  Musaf  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  ('Abodah),  s.  v.  *\^"\y 

•where  an  alphabetical  list  is  given  of  objects  that  Israel  missed  after  the  destruction  of  the 
temple.    Cf.  1  Sam.  28  :6. 

98  The  lowest  form  of  prophecy  (Gen.  37  :  5-9  ;  40  :  8-19  ;  chap.  41  ;  Numb.  12  :  6  ;  Job.  33  :  15  ; 
•et  al.).    Much  importance  was  attached  to  dreams  in  talmudic  times,  the  most  famous 
rabbis  discussing   dreams    and    their   consequences  with    the  greatest    earnestness.    Cf. 
especially  Berakoth,  55a-576  ,'  Hagigah,  56.    In  the  Middle  Ages  dreams  were  regarded  by 
Jews  with  much  concern  (see  Halevi,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  II,  p.  61,  and  Harkavy's  note  on  p.  190), 
and  to  the  present  time  Jews  go  to  the  rabbi  for  the  purpose  of  having  their  dreams  inter- 
preted (see  Jewish  Encyclopedia,  s.  v.  "  Dreams"). 

99  Cf.  Jer.  5  :  26  ;  Hab.  1  :  15. 

100  !"inS  with  b  not  found  in  Bible,  usually  takes  direct  object  (Exod.  22:  15;  Jer.  20:7). 


101  Aram.  55T2inn  ,  Arab.  ^  j£V  *  =  "boundary."    In  rabbinic  legal  phraseology,  refer- 

ring to  the  distance  one  may  walk  outside  of  the  city  limits  on  the  sabbath,  the  term  Dinp 
r°Q12J  denotes  2,000  cubits  on  each  side  of  the  city  ;  'Erubin,  516,  et  al. 

102  Cf.  Hab.  3  :  15  ;  Job  9:  8;  "^"Yl  without  preposition  is  unusual. 

103  Characteristic  of  Egypt;  cf.  Exod.  7:  19;  8:  1. 

104  Lev.  19:18;  Nab.  1:2;  in  later  Hebrew  the  phrase  assumed  a  stronger  meaning, 
"vindictive;"  cf.  Shabbath,  63a;  Yoma,  23a. 

105  "Royal  canopy"  (Jer.  43:10).    In  the  translation  the  view  expressed  by  Bacher 
(Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  Vol.  XV,  p.  87,  n.  1),   identifying   "^"ISTD    with  Fostat,  was 
adopted  ;    cf.  Schechter,  loc.  cit..  Fragment  XXXVIII,  p.  89,  1.  28  and  n.  12.    For  the  ety- 
mology of  TIStD  see  Delitzsch,  Prolegomena,  p.  126. 

106  Cf.  Deut.  28:  8;  Prov.  3:  10. 

107  Denominative  from  "1TDN  ;  c/.  Numb.  Rabba,  VIII,  4. 

i°8  Cf.  Judg.  5:  30  ("spoils  of  war")  ;  Ezek.  26:  16  ("garments  of  princes"). 

109  Form  probably  influenced  by  Q^Ujb'llD'Q  ;  D"11J9'On  =  "in  battle  array  "  (Exod. 
13  :  18  ;  Numb.  32  :  17  ;  Josh.  1  :  14  ;  4  :  12  ;  Judg.  7:11;  cf.  Halevi,loc.  cit..  Vol.  I,  p.  28  =  "  ready, 
prepared"). 

HOC/.  Gen.  15:9;  Ezek.  42:6;  Eccles.  4:  12;  here  probably  denominative  from  EpbTE  = 
"officer"  (Exod.  14:7;  2  Kings  7:2,  17,  19;  9:25;  15:25).  Perhaps  "divided  in  lines  of  five 
and  three." 

in  "Terrors,"  ancient  inhabitants  of  Moab  (Gen.  14:5;  Deut.  2:10,  11;  Jer.  50:38; 
and  Targum  Jonathan,  ad  loc.,  see  1.  115). 

112  Cf.  1  Sam.  17:38;  Ezek.  23:  24  =  7313  ,  Ezek.  27:  10;  Isa.  59:  17. 

»3  C/.  Jer.  6:23;  50:42. 

n*C/.  Lam.  3:13(nDTDS  TD);  see  Job  39:  23;  nDTDS  m2S  not  found. 

us  Arab.  JuvJ  ,  Aram.  Jfcb^B  i  is  recorded  as  having  been  used  by  Antiochus  in  his  wars 

against  the  Maccabbees,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  confusion  into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy 
(2  Mace.  15:20;  3Macc.5:2;  1  Mace.  1:16;  4:30).  In  the  Talmud  better  known  because  of 
its  size  than  because  of  the  noise  it  produced  (Berakoth,  556;  Skabbath,  776;  cf.  Lewysohn, 
Zoologie  des  Talmuds,  §  173). 

n«Cy.Isa.l7:12. 

H7  Aramaic  construction,  accusative  suffix  with  pronoun. 

118  5TQ  in  the  sense  of  "opposite  to"  or  "against"  is  not  biblical;  it  usually  means 
*'  in  front  of  "  without  any  idea  of  opposition. 

119  Denominative  from  TH3  ;  cf.  Jer.  5:7;  Mic.  4  :  14. 

120  Cf.  Isa.  28  :  11  ;  32:4;  33:19. 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  31 


i-1  Reduplication  from  3™iy  ,  which  is  not  found  as  a  verb,  but  as  a  noun,  indicating  a 
heterogeneous  body  attached  to  a  people  (Neh.  18:3;  Exod.  12:38  [m  2"l2?  ;  perhaps 
reduplicated  for  emphasis,  as  in  nip  JlpS  ,  Isa.  61:1;  flTTD  ^STlb,  Isa.  2:30;  see 
Olshausen,  Hebraische  Grammatik,  p.  354]).  In  rabbinic  literature  this  reduplication 
occurs  with  the  meaning  of  mixing,  confounding  (Sanhedrin,  42a  ;  Targum  to  Numb.  11:4 
[3CSCS  =  pl-my];  Kil'aim,  V,  1,  Exod.  Rabba,  XI,  3). 

122  Armenians  were  known  to  the  Jews  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Maccabbees  (  Josephus, 
Antiquities,  XIII,  14,  4;  cf.  Yebamoth,  45a  [captives  that  came  from  Armenia],  cf.  Neubauer, 
La  gfographie  du  Thalmud,  pp.  370,  371). 

'23  Regularly  used  by  mediaeval  Jewish  writers  to  designate  Christians,  while  "  Ishmael  lr 
was  the  collective  name  for  Mohammedans;  see  Rosin,  IbnEzra,  Vol.  II,  p.  90,  n.  6;  cf. 
1.  4,  n.  35. 

I2*lonians,  Greeks  (Ezek.  27:13;  Joel  14:6);  descendants  of  Javan,  son  of  Japheth 
(Gen.  10:2;  cf.  Baba  Kama,  826;  Megillah,  9a,'  et  al.). 

12*  Cf.  Gen.  10:  3;  Jer.  51  :  27  ;  see  Gen.  Rabba,  XXXVII,  1,  where  all  three  rtS"H  T2DEJ& 


iTQISim  are  identified  with  J5"1p"lI'a"lDi  ;  see  Yoma,  106.    In  modern  Hebrew  this  is  the 
common  appellation  for  Germany.    See  Jewish  Encyclopedia,  Vol.  II,  s.  v.  "Ashkenazim." 

i-6  Gen.  10:3;  cf.  Josephns,  Antiquities,  I,  4,  1  =  Paphlogonians. 

'-T  Gen.  10:3;  Ezek.  27:14.  12S  Cf.  Hagigah,  36. 

129  Cf.  Isa.  38:  16  ;  Job  39:  4.    In  rabbinic  literature  used  in  opposition  to  HUIID  (Rosh 
Hashanah,  28o;  Tosefta  Terumoth,  I,  3;  cf.  Ibn  Ezra,  Poems  [ed.  Kahana],  Vol.  I,  p.  58). 

130  c/.  Isa.  6:11.          isi  Cf.  Exod.  4  :  14.          132  Cf.  Esther  4  :  13.          13J  Cf.  Neh.  5  :  7. 
13*  In  the  sense  of  "to  fool,  deceive  ;  "  cf.  1  Kings  18  :  27  ;  Job  17  :  2. 

135  Obscure.    Perhaps  from  rabbinic    DII"!!"!  =  "  boundary,  to  surround  "  (Baba  Bathra, 
56a;  Pesikta,1376).    The  context,  however,  points  to  DTQnnS  being  the  object  of  O^TOIX 
and  not  an  epithet  of  0^27-    It  is  possible  that  it  was  meant  to  convey  some  such  idea  as 
"let  us  warm  up,  be  inspired  with  hope"  (DIQnP!)!  but  this  is  very  much  forced. 

136  Cf.  Isa.  29  :  10  ;  33  :  15.      «  137  Cf.  Lam.  4  :  20. 

138  Cf.  1.  79  Q^'OT  is  added  to  fill  up  the  line  and  for  the  sake  of  the  rhyme. 

139  Cf.  Halevi   (ed.  Harkavy),  Vol.  I,  p.  93,    D^nn    fT^y    "fCP    flT^n    D^Dl 
referring  to  nature  generally.    Here  the  reference  is  to  sins  that  are  recorded  in  heaven  ;  cf. 
Musaf  prayer  for  the  New  Year  and  the  Day  of  Atonement,  s.  v,  dpi"!  rCflHI  i  where  it  is 
supposed  that  every  man  testifies  to  his  sins  by  his  own  signature  "Q  D"1i?  3D  "P  DPim* 

"0  Cf.  Gen.  7  :  4,  23  ;  Deut.  11  :  6,  not  found  in  plural. 

m  Reduplication  from  "JD"  or  S3T  =  "to  crush;'1  cf.  Targum  to  Ps.  143:3;  Lev. 
Rabba,  XXXIV,  6;  cf.  Ben  Sira  (ed.  Levi),  4:2. 

i«  "  Silent,  resigned,"  but  perhaps  "  hopeful  ;  "  cf.  Ps.  37  :  7  ;  62  :  6  ;  Job  29  :  21.  In  '  Aboda 
of  Jose  ben  Jose,  Z^TSITST  -  "  dead  ;  "  see  Zunz,  Synagogale  Poesie,  p.  27. 

'*3See  "Historical  Sketch,"  pp.  9,  10.  The  second  attack  on  Jerusalem  occurred  after 
the  incident  narrated  here,  but  soon  after.  The  expression  "  two  years  "  is  inaccurate,  for 
the  first  conquest  of  Jerusalem  took  place  in  463  A.  H.,  while  the  second  attack  occurred  in 
469  A.  H. 

i«"  Hateful,  hated"  (cf.  Prov.  22:14,  1"1  DIJT  =  "he  with  whom  God  is  angry,  the 
abhorred  of  God")  ;  cf.  Halevi,  Vol.  I,  p.  93,  D^iym  TWl  =  "hateful  moments." 

i«  Cf.  Dan.  11  :  36.  i«  Cf.  Esther  2:1;  7:10.  i«  Cf.  Isa.  24  :  19. 

i«  Cf.  Ps.  29  :  9  ;  Jer.  49  :  10.  "«  Hos.  2:5;  Jer.  51  :  34. 

153  Cf.  Isa.  57:5,  from  DTOH  =  "inflame  themselves."  Here  possibly  from  nni  =  "con- 
sole themselves." 

lai  "Of  noble  descent;"  cf.  Tosefta  Shekalim,  II,  16. 

1M"  Delicate,  daintily  bred"  (^3713  ,  Jer.  6:2;  HjCy  ,  Deut.  28:56);  cf.  Gittin,  56a, 
the  story  of  Martha,  daughter  of  Boetus. 

153  Cf.  Lev.  13:  4V;  Ezek.  24:17,22;  Mic.  3:  7,  prescribed  for  the  mourner  and  for  the 
leper.  The  reason  for  this  custom  in  the  case  of  the  mourner  has  been  variously  explained 
by  critics.  The  view  of  the  older  critics  (Kamphausen,Hitzig,  and  Smend),  that  this  was 
to  serve  as  a  symbol  to  the  mourner  that  he  was  not  to  speak,  although  somewhat  supported 
by  rabbinic  tradition,  is  rightly  criticised  by  Frey  (Altisraelitische  Totentrauer  fJurjev, 
1898],  pp.  10-12).  His  criticism  may  further  be  corroborated  by  the  fact  that  in  Lev:  13:  45 
the  leper  is  commanded  to  cover  his  lips  and  to  cry  out:  "  Unclean  !  Unclean  !  "  The  expla- 
nation offered  by  Frey,  however,  is  rather  unsatisfactory,  nor  does  Schwally  (Leben  nach 


32  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

dem  Tode  [Giessen,  1892],  p.  16)  offer  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  this  custom.  More  con- 
vincing is  the  suggestion  of  Toy  (Polychrome  Bible,  Ezek.  24:17,  note),  that,  in  mourning, 
one  is  to  reverse  his  habit  of  life.  The  beard  was  regarded  as  an  ornament,  hence  it  must 
be  covered  during  the  period  of  mourning.  The  difficulty  only  is  that  QD1Z?  does  not  mean 
the  beard;  at  most  it  can  have  reference  to  the  mustache. 

According  to  rabbinic  law,  neither  the  mourner  nor  the  leper  was  permitted  to  accost 
friends  with  the  usual  greeting.  While  in  the  case  of  the  leper  the  law  was  derived  from 
the  expression  QSTU  57  71137  i  in  the  case  of  the  mourner  the  law  was  based  on  another 
expression  (Q"l  p2i5n,  Ezek.  24:17).  They  also  identified  the  covering  of  the  head  with 
the  covering  of  the  lips,  thus  making  it  obligatory  upon  the  mourner  and  the  leper  to  cover 
the  head  up  to  the  lip,  "like  the  covering  of  the  Ishmaelites"  (D"1bfc?yj3TU>1  flD"^!^  ; 
Mo'ed  Katan,  15a;  cf.  Jastrow,  Dictionary,  s.  v.  riB"1!^)- 

la*  See  n.  142.  This  would  point  to  the  view  that  the  covering  of  the  lips  was  regarded 
as  a  symbol  of  silence.  Cf.,  however,  Brown's  edition  of  Gesenius,  Heb.  Dictionary,  s.  v. 
Q'531  ,  II,  where  the  word  is  also  given  the  meaning  of  "  wailing  "  (Ass.  damamu)  ,  especially 
in  Isa.  23:2;  cf.  Delitzsch,  Prolegomena,  p.  64,  n.  2. 

15»  Cf.  Dan.  10  :  21  ;  see  n.  139.      156  Cf.  Isa.  3  :  12  ;  9  :  15.      157  Cf.  Jer.  4  :  22.      158  Cf.  Isa.  3  :  4. 

159  "By  halters,  muzzled;"   cf.  Ps.  32:9;  Hulin,  89a  (based  on  Job  26:7);   Targum  to 
Isa.  32:  4. 

160  Cf.  Zech.  1  :  14  ;  8:2;  Joel  2:18;  Ezek.  39:25. 
leiFrom  J"HT  (="  scatter,"  Ezek.  5:10,  12). 

162  "Carried  away  as  by  a  flood  ;"  cf.  Ps.  90  :  5  ;  77  :  18.  1  «  Cf.  Deut.  29  :  28. 

w*Cf.  Jer.  2:22.  This  is  rather  an  unusual  meaning  given  to  the  word  QrO  •  In 
rabbinic  literature  it  is  used  as  a  technical  term,  referring  to  a  dark-red  stain  on  a  woman's 

7 

•clothes  or  body,  as  an  indication  of  uncleanliness  (Niddah,  46,  5a;  cf.  Syr.  >cA.a  =  "  stain  ")  . 
In  the  Bible  it  means  "gold"  (Prov.  25:12;  Job  28:19;  Cant.  5:11;  Lam.  14:1).  In  later 
Hebrew  it  means  "  a  stain,"  from  which  the  idea  of  "  sin  "  or  a  "  stain  on  the  soul  "  was 
taken  (cf.  Isa.  1:18;  Midrash  Tehillim  to  Ps.  16:1;  Halevi,  Proems,  Vol.  II,  p.  32).  Here  the 
meaning  probably  is  "  they  multiplied  sins,"  a  play  on  HSID  and  "(DID  • 

l«5  Cf.  Hos.  4:2;  Alcharizi,  Tachkemoni  (ed.  Kaminka),  p.  81.  "6  Cf.  Deut.  25:19. 


187  Arab.    *J\  ,    Aram.  S'SH"1"!  =  a  kind  of  brown  plant  (Ps.  120:4;  Job  30:4).    It  is 

supposed  to  produce  great  heat  and  retain  the  heat  for  a  long  time  (see  Low,  Aramaische 
Pftanzennamen,  p.  366;  cf.  Cheyne,  to  Ps.  120:4).  The  embers  of  this  plant  are  taken  as  a 
symbol  for  various  things  (cf.  Midrash  Tebillim,  ad  loc.),  but  especially  for  the  fire  of 
•Gehenna  ('Arakin,  156)  ;  cf.  services  for  the  Eve  of  Atonement,  s.  v.  CfTinD  )• 

i««c/.  Jer.  3:3.  169  Cf.  Ps.  65:11.  i™C/.  Isa.  1  :9.  m  Cf.  Mai.  3:  24. 

i"2  Cf.  Jer.  2:20.  "Assyrians  and  Northerners"  here  seem  to  refer  to  no  particular 
nation,  but  used  as  a  general  appellation  for  the  enemy. 

173  A  strange  expression;  cf.  Prov.  23:25;  Ps.  74:6;  Halevi,  Poems,  Vol.  I,  p.  63. 

5  iT  °  ? 

n*  For  the  derivation  of  the  word  JQV  r>M*J  see  Butler,  Arabic  Conquest  of  Egypt 
(Oxford,  1902),  p.  340  and  note;  cf.  Bacher,  Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  Vol.  XV,  p.  87,  n.  1;  see 
n.  105. 

175  Cf.  Numb.  24  :  3,  15  ;  Gen.  19  :  11. 

•ne  Cf.  Ps.  22:22;  Deut.  33:17;  Shabbath,  1076;  'Abodah  Zarah,  36;  Zebahim,  1136;  cf. 
Cant.  6:4,  10;  see  Delitzsch.  Prolegomena,  pp.  58sgg.,  a  disquisition  on  the  word  53™  and 
its  usage  in  Assyrian.  For  QX"1  cf.  ibid.,  pp.  15  sqq.,  23;  Lewysohn,  Zoologie  des  Talmuds, 
§174. 

i7'  See  "  Historical  Sketch,"  p.  9. 

i78  "Good  star,  or  luck,"  the  regular  greeting  among  Jews  on  joyous  occasions.  5T13 
meaning  "luck"  is  frequently  used  in  rabbinic  literature  (Ta'anith,  296;  Shabbath,  536; 
et  al.).  Our  author  is  especially  fond  of  this  expression  ;  see  11.  119,  130. 

i79The  plural  of  rO"l  or  P1251  (Job  3:7>  is  found  once  as  ffi35*l  (Ps.  63:6).  The 
plural  D^23H  is  found  in  Job  39:13,  meaning  "singing  birds." 

iso  "Like  as,"  "  about  "  (Kethuboth,  17a;  Shabbath,  51a;  Mishnah  Berakoth,  V,  5). 

181  The  number  200  days  is  probably  very  nearly  correct.  Damascus  was  taken  by  Atsiz 
in  Du-1  'Hijja  of  468,  and  the  siege  of  Cairo  took  place  in  469  (Jumada  II,  24),  which  would 
make  the  intervening  period  about  six  months. 


THE  TURKOMAN  DEFEAT  AT  CAIRO  33 

182  Probably  a  reminiscence  of  the  Israelitish  camp  in  the  wilderness  that  was  protected 
by  a  column  of  cloud  by  day  and  by  a  column  of  light  by  night  (Exod.  13:21,  22;  Deut.  1  :33; 
cf.  Ps.  18:12;  Job  36:39;  Lam.  3:43). 

183  Probably  shortened  from   Stifl  ;    cf.  Zunz,  Synagogale  Poesie,  p.  121. 
is*  Analogy  of  "]"y  verbs. 

1S5DTQ"'X  added  for  the  rhyme  ;  cf.  Tachkemoni  (ed.  Kaminka),  p.  81,  where  D^T2"iX  is 
used  as  plural  of  ("PO^N  ;  otherwise  the  plural  is  tlTS^i?  (Ps.  55:5). 

iseAn  Aramean  or  Arabic  tribe  against  whom  the  Reubenites  waged  war  during  the 
reign  of  Saul  (1  Chron.  5  :10,  19).  In  the  last-quoted  verse  it  is  mentioned  in  connection  with 
Tlw"1  and  "CPEi  (c/.  Gen.  25  :15;  1  Chron.  1:31).  thus  indicating  the  descent  from  Ishmael 
(cf.  Ps.  83:7).  In  rabbinical  times  and  in  mediaeval  Jewish  literature  Hagri  was  identified 
with  Arabia,  and  later  generally  with  the  Mohammedan  world  (Numb.  Rabba,  XIII,  3; 
Halevi,  Poems,  Vol.  II,  p.  20;  Tachkemoni,  ed.  Kaminka,  p.  10;  cf.  Kaempf,  Die  erste 
Makamen  aus  dem  Tachkemoni  oder  Divan  des  Charizi  [Berlin.  1845],  p.  72.  n.  11).  It  is  also 
identified  with  Hungary,  especially  by  modern  Jewish  writers;  see  Jewish  Encyclopedia, 
s.  v.  "  Hagar,"  "Hagrim." 

1ST  Cf.  Judg.  5:14;  Neh.  9:  22,  24. 

isscy.  Ps.  33:10;    "VIS  perhaps  a  reminiscence  of  the  caliph's  name. 

18«C/.  Isa.  2:9,  11,17. 

190  Favorite  expression  with  mediaeval  Jewish  poets,  especially  with  Halevi;  see  his 
Poems,  ed  Harkavy,  Vol.  I,  pp.  48,  50,  97,  123,  128,  144;  Vol.  II,  pp.  48,  49,  51,  52;  et  al.  The 
•expression  ET^  ITfilD  is  not  found  in  the  Bible  ;  cf.  Job  38:  22,  rP22  bj  TOT- 


19i  Arabic  influence    ivA^v-M    ,.tl»r%>JI    xXJ!  .     In  Hebrew  liturgic  literature  the 


usual  expression  is 

i92Deut.  2:20;  name  given  by  the  Amonites  to  the  Rephaim  who  once  inhabited  their 
land,  but  had  afterward  been  expelled  by  them,  a  people  "  great  and  many  and  tall  like  the 
Anakim  ;"  cf.  Driver,  ad  loc.  ;  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  s.  v.  Here  used  figuratively 
for  a  strong  people. 

193  Cf.  Ps.  136  :  17,  18  ;  135  :  10.  m  Cf.  Ps.  38  :  14. 

I95n7TE  with  2  means  "to  delight  in"  (Ps.  119:117);  here,  however,  "to  listen  to 
prayer:"  cf.  Gen.  4:4,  5;  see  Delitzsch,  Prolegomena,  p.  39.  J^S  i  meaning  "to  pray,"  is 
found  in  the  Bible  (Isa.  53:12;  Jer.  36:25),  and  also  in  rabbinic  literature.  (Hulin,  916; 
•Gen.  Rabba,  LXVIII,  11,  referring  to  Gen.  28:11;  cf.  Rashi,  ad  loc.). 

'96  Perhaps  D^TTI  "  benumbed,  Tlead;"  cf.  Esther  Rabba,  VII,  18,  Yozer  for  Purim 


197  Cf.  liturgy    for   Shabu'oth,  s.  v.,    Qlpm    miSTS    "IflX.    where   the   same    form 
^occurs;  Berliner,  Synagogale  Poesie  (Berlin,  1881),  Vol.  I,  p.  18. 

i*»(y.  hymn  in  daily  liturgy,  s.  v.    D^?    ITTO     I  SliTl    HIH    KlStl    ,rPH    8im 

mxsra  rrpp. 

199  Plural  not  found.    As  verb  found  only  in  Kal,  Jer.  23  :  31. 

-*"0  Quadriliteral    from    COD,    with  the  insertion  of  T   (Ps.  80:14);    cf.   rab.    C0~!p 
^'cut,  prune,"   (of   insects)    "bite,    nibble"    (Peah,  II,  7;    Shabbath,  XII,  2);    cf.  Arab. 


=  "  to  cut,"  and  Saadia's  commentary  to  Ps.  80: 14, 

201  This  passage  may  be  taken  to  refer  either  to  the  chiefs  of  the  enemy  coming  to  the 
king  with  baskets  on  their  shoulders  (as  a  sign  of  submission;  cf.  Ps.  81:7,  and  Delitzsch, 
ad  loc.),  or  to  the  heads,  literally,  of  the  enemy  being  brought  to  the  king  by  his  own  officers 
in  baskets,  as  a  sign  of  victory  (cf.  2  Kings  10: 17,  the  heads  of  the  children  of  Ahab  brought 
to  Jehu).    The  first  rendering  is  adopted  in  the  translation,  although  the  second  is  also 
possible. 

202  Cf.  Esther  8:5  with  IJDb  ;    passive  participle  not  found  in  the  Bible;  in  rabbinic 
literature  usually  spelled  without    55    and  has  the  meaning   of   "accessible,  frequent" 
('Arakin,  306;  Sanhedrin,  86a).    The  meaning  here  is  obscure.    They  came  (to  meet)  the 
king  .who  is  given  to  grace,  magnanimity  (?).    Emendation  of  1X213  would  not  be  borne 
out  by  the  context. 

-'03  Obscure.    "  Presents,  gifts  "  (?) ;  cf.  Pesahim,  216,  but  there  HITi"  •    Perhaps  "  the 
star  was  powerful  in  their  being  delivered." 


34  JULIUS  H.  GREENSTONE 

204  Cf.  Judg.  19:29,  30,  the  incident  at  Gibea,  when  the  man  cut  his  Pilegesh  into  twelve 
pieces,  which  he  sent  to  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel  in  order  to  incite  them  to  war  against  the 
inhabitants  of  Gibea. 

205  Cf.  Gen.  41  :  8  ;  Dan.  2:1. 

206  From    "p^  or    W3    "to  establish,  arrange;"    "3P    means  "appointed  measure  or 
number"  (Exod.  5:18;  Ezek.  45:11)  ;  here,  probably,  "fixity,  immovableness,  soundness." 


-("Connected  with  73JS  (Exod.  21:25)  "wound;"  lit.  "split  open"  (comp.  Arab. 
=  "  crack  ")  ;  cf.  Ps.  60  :  4. 

208  Appellation  given  to  Ishmael  (Mohammedan  world  generally);  cf.  Halevi,  Poems 
ed.  Harkavy,  Vol.  II,  pp.  61,  151. 

209  Cf.  Sanhedrin,  91a;  see  n.  142. 

210  Cf.  1  Kings  13:24,  25,  28;  Jer.  36:30. 
21  iC/.  Exod.  8:10. 

2i2Hapax.,  Cant.  2:11. 

213  Form  not  found  ;  cf.  Job  37  :  17   (  D"1!?!!  )  ;  see  Jer.  36  :  30  for  the  idea. 

->uc/.  Ps.  118:22. 

215  Cf.  Ps.  126  ;    Qi'nbS  found  only  once  (Gen.  37:7),  usually  fflTabtf  (Gen.  37:7;  Ps. 
126:6)  ;  reminiscences  of  Joseph's  dream. 

216  Monday,  Shebat  26,  4837  A.  M.  ;  January  23,  1077;  Jumada  II,  24,  469.    11  SEC  3721J5 
Arabic  influence.    Ql'Q^tbtb'Q  =  1009,  if  we  consider  the  final    n    as  600;  cf.  Konig,  Lehr 
ffebciude  der  hebraischen  Sprache,  Vol.  II,  Div.  1,  p.  231. 

217  See  "  The  Author,"  p.  14.  218  Cf.  Ps.  33  :  4. 

-19  The  numerical  value  of  Q  ^p  =  149.    CTDp  =  "  cutting  off,  lopping,  chopping  off 

(Arab,   fjas  =  «JaJ);  cf.  Shebi'ith,  II,  4;  Sukkah,  III,  4;  et  al.;  refers  to  the  destruction 
of  the  enemy. 

220  c/.  Prov.  3:15. 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  UBRAflY  FACILITY 


